Fabian Freeway – High Road to Socialism in the USA – Table of contents

Table of contents for the book Fabian Freeway, and two paragraphs of the Foreword to give a brief description.

Fabian Freeway – High Road to Socialism in the USA
By: Rose L. Martin

Western Islands, Boston, MA, 1966

Foreward and Preface

Chapter 1-Make Haste Slowly!

     Part 1 – Great Britain

Chapter 2-Sowing the Wind

Chapter 3-The Dangerous Fabians

Chapter 4-A Chosen Instrument

Chapter 5-Sedition Between Two Wars

Chapter 6-Dirge For An Empire

Chapter 7-Trial By Ordeal

Chapter 8-Tomorrow, The World?

     Part 2 – The United States

Chapter 9-The Fabian Turtle Discovers America

Chapter 10-Putting The Silk Hat On Socialism

Chapter 11-The Professor Goes To Washington

Chapter 12-The Perfect Friendship

Chapter 13–Left Hands Across The Sea

Chapter 14-The More It Changes…

Chapter 15- …The More It Stays The Same

Chapter 16-By Any Other Name

Chapter 17-Fabian Face Cards in the New Deal

Chapter 18-Secret Weaponry

Chapter 19-Power and Influence

Chapter 20-More Power and Influence

Chapter 21-The Commanding Heights

Epilogue: The Moving Finger Writes


The American people have been and are complacently unfamiliar with Communism’s helpmate, Fabian Socialism. For over fifty years but especially since the middle nineteen-thirties there have been insinuated into high places in our government at Washington men whose collaboration in this socialistic movement has been greatly responsible for breaking down our constitutional form of government and substituting therefor the Socialist idea of centralized government.

Every loyal American should read this book. It is well documented, and proves beyond doubt that those who have wielded such vast influence upon successive Presidents, especially since Franklin Roosevelt, do not have a desire to retain the freedom of the individual and the free enterprise system, but rather seek to establish the very coercion from which our forefathers fled. The reader will be shocked when he comprehends that there are those in high places in government who are dedicated to this Socialist movement. The ultimate objective of the Fabian Socialist movement is no different than the ultimate objective of the Communist movement.



Appendix I, II, III, IV, V, and VI for the book Fabian Freeway.

The author here presents the names of many members and cooperators
of the British Fabian Society and the British Labour Government as well as
the names of members and cooperators and/or sponsors of American Fabian-
type socialistic organizations such as the League for Industrial Democracy
(LID); and of organizations which pose as “liberal,” such as Americans for
Democratic Action (ADA). The theme developed in the main body of the
book is illustrated graphically as the lists conclude with the names of many
ADA members who hold high positions in the Johnson Administration, today.
The reader’s attention is called to the use of symbols (*) and (t) used
for example to denote the presence of Fabian Socialists in the British Labour
Government; and to denote members of ADA who are members or cooperators
of the League for Industrial Democracy, and so forth. Thus the tie-ins,
in terms of persons in both “liberal” and Socialist organizations, are shown.
A listing in certain of the following categories, does not of and by itself
convict an individual as a Socialist. However, by an amassing of evidence of
this kind, a persistent pattern appears and a movement convicts itself.
Here the mechanics are unveiled by which Socialism is transmitted from
Great Britain and other countries to the United States. And here, in the
United States, a Socialism is rapidly nearing completion for which
International Communism is the only logical beneficiary. Americans who wish to
change this tragic state of affairs are thus informed of the facts.


The following selective historical lists are offered as indicative of two
things: 1) the continuity of the roster and of the Fabian Society; 2) the
steady acquisition to Fabianism of new blood, always well-mixed with the
It has become a fascination for the writer to read lists of names. They were
gathered from the “Personal Notes,” the “Women’s Group,” the Kingsway Hall
Lectures, “Nursery,” Meetings of the Society, Election Lists, London
County Council election lists, Fabian Society Executive Committees and
records of attendance thereof. Many names (at least two hundred) which
did not appear at the historical level have become those of old friends. They
testify to the unbroken existence and the steady functioning of the Society.
Many tum up in news items, such as the study of the Institute of Pacific
Relations made by a Senate Committee: Creech-Jones, Noel-Baker, R. H.
Tawney, for example.
Individuals became Fabians by being proposed, sponsored, and elected;
and were required to subscribe to the Basis. If the Basis made them English
Socialists, the Society made them members of the Labour and Socialist
International. MacDonald is not included after 1919; yet the Fabianism in his
attitudes and those of his advisers is patent. Likewise, for all his close
associations, Professor Gilbert Murray has not been listed here. Sir Stafford
Cripps and Ernest Bevin like G. D. H. Cole and Ellen Wilkinson, swung to
the far Left at times; but they are Fabians all-and Margaret Cole has
made the old home in the Society comfortable for them all by enlarging the
porch! John Scurr, a Catholic, belonged; but not John Wheatley. Arnold
Bennett, J. B. Priestley, John Galsworthy are listed, although seldom; Patrick
Braybrooke and St. John Ervine, often. The first three names are associated
with The Clarion which consistently from 1929 to 1931 praised the artistry
of Charles Chaplin and Paul Robeson. Reginald Pugh belonged, but up to
1950, not Arthur (now Sir Arthur) Pugh of Steel and Smelters trades.
A complete list of those who never came back to the Society even in
spirit as Wallas, Wells, and Annie Besant did-while Chesterton, S. G. Hobson
(Pilgrim to the Left), A. Drage (New Age), H. Slesser did not-would
be significant. Although Clement Attlee credits much of Labour’s strength

(footnote) Initials appearing occasionally after British names mean:
EC == Executive Committee
JP == Justice of the Peace
L.C.C. == London County Council
MP == Member of Parliament
NEC (LAB) == National Executive Committee, Labour Party
TUC == Trades Union Congress

to Irish Catholic workingmen, the latter are vastly unrepresented in the
Fabian Society.
An estimated proportion of professed intellectuals to all others (also middle
class) seems to be about three in eight. This includes those holding
degrees, Bachelor of Arts (more usually, Bachelor of Science), Master of
Arts, Doctor of Philosophy, and those recording their military rank for
prestige, professors – oddly -many medical doctors. Elsewhere is a list
of Protestant ministers. Fabians often filled the position of Justice of the
Peace, the office on which very much of local civics hinges. In 1945 local
Fabian societies added 2,200 members to the Society. Fabian Society Annual
Report, 1946, said, “Newly elected M.P.’s expected the Fabian Society to …
provide them at short notice with policies, or with material for
Names like those of Ben Tillett, J. H. Thomas, J. R. Clynes, J. Wheatley,
E. Befin, A. Bevan, W. Citrine (now Viscount), John Hodges of the steel
workers, Frank Hodges of the miners, and Frank Smith of the coal miners,
were drawn into the field of gravity of the Society.
Margaret MacDonald, nee Gladstone, died in 1911. She ranked with Mary
MacArthur, Mary Middleton, Mrs. Bruce Glazier, Margaret MacMillan, to
whose labors Socialism in Britain is heavily indebted; although, like Mrs.
Glazier, they were inclined to confuse their Socialism with religion, leaving
the philosophic propositions of Fabianism to Haldane, Joad, Russell, and
Slesser (not to mention Wells and Shaw).
A sampling of names of Fabian Justices of the Peace in the nineteen-twenties
and nineteen-thirties follows:

David Adams F. W. King
R. Aldington T. W. McCormack
G. Burgneay H. J. May
Alderman H. Carden Gwyneth Morgan
John Cash Marion Phillips
Lilian Dawson Mrs. C. D. Rackham
C. S. Giddins E. Cubitt Sayres
G. M. Gillett G. Thomas
M. W. Gordon Mrs. G. Tiffen
Bart Kelly A. G. Walkden

Some names represented prominent British families:

Oliver Baldwin Lady Cynthia Mosley (nee Curzon)
Sir Ernest Benn Malcolm Muggeridge (nephew of Beatrice Webb)
Anthony Wedgewood Benn Philip Noel-Baker
Charlotte Haldane John Ramage
Naomi Haldane (Mitchison) Viscountess Rhonda
Lady Jowitt Miss Sankey
Ishbel MacDonald T. Drummond Shiels
Lady Melville Lady Frances Stewart
Allen Moncrieff C. Trevelyan
May Morris

A sampling of speakers under Fabian auspices:

Viscount Bryce
Sir Walter Citrine (after 1945)
Hans Kohn (now in the U.S., listed as a member of the Society)
A. Duff Cooper (listed only once)
Herman Finer (now in the U.S., frequent lecturer and member of the
Fabian Society)
G. P. Gooch
Professor Julian Huxley (now of UNESCO)
Father Vincent McNabb(listed but once)
S. de Madariaga (historian)
A. Allison Peers (listed but once)
A. J. Penty (guild socialist, usually criticized)
Evelyn Sharp
Wickham Steed
Arnold Toynbee
Freda Utley (listed but once)
John Winant (U.S. Ambassador, luncheon guest speaker)

Protestant ministers whose names appear in Fabian lists (often M.P.’s):

James Adderly C. Jenkinson
Ramsden Balmforth James Kerr
G. C. Bynon Richard Lee
Henry Carter J. Massingham (non-practicing)
John Clifford (deceased, 1923) William Mellor (non-practicing)
J. E. Hamilton Ben Spoor
S. D. Headlam (deceased, 1923)

A partial list of foreigners heard by the Society, mostly Social Democrats
(this list is not alphabetical; it falls into a sort of chronological order):

Count Karolyi (in 1919, he resigned the presidency of the new Republic of
Hungary, when the Social Democrat regime led to that of Bela Kun)
Alfredo de Sordelli, Argentine writer
Herman Kantorowicz, German professor of Jurisprudence (once at Columbia)
Henri Gans
Baron Felix de Bethune (member)
Otto van der Sprenkel
Wolfgang Thiekuhl
Hans Kohn, German Social Democrat, now in the United States
G. Salvemini, Italian Social Democrat, Harvard professor
Carlo Rosselli, Italian anti-Fascist, Social Democrat, writer of Socialisme
Liberale; his Oggi in Spagna, domani in Italia posthumously published with
preface by Salvemini
A. H. Abbati (Swiss background)
J. B. Peixotto (member), American-born, cosmopolitan artist
K. Young (Chinese Consul General)
Sobei Mogi

D. J. Santilhano (Dutch), author of Banking for Foreign Trade
Prince Dimitri Sviatopolk Mirsky (1932)

Since 1940:

Dr. Alexander Baykov
Daw Saw Yin (of Burma)
Herta Gotthelf
Kudmul Shanti Rangarao (1947)
Anwar Iqbai Qureshi (Indian, 1947)
Kurt Schumacher (1947, reporting from Social Democratic contacts in Germany)
W. Sellers, of Nigerian Government
Stephen Drzcivieski
Professor Andre-Philipov (anti-Petain), September, 1942

Fabian names important in their avocations:

Sir Ernest Barker, political scientist
Patrick Braybrooke, lecturer,frequently in the United States, father of editor
of Wind and Rain
Edward Carpenter, poet (one might say laureate of “the movement”)
Colin Clark, economist
Victor Cohen, writer, lecturer at Fabian Summer Schools
M. H. Dobb, economist of London School of Economics, contributor to
Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences
Denis Healey, appointed to “persue a forward policy” in International
Labour Organisation, Geneva (1946)
Julian Huxley (UNESCO)
H. W. Nevinson, writer
John Ramage, Scottish shipbuilder, contributor to Labour Year Book
Maurice Reckitt (and Eva C. Reckitt), contributor to Labour Year Book, author
of Faith and Society, National Guildsman, Anglican Christian Socialist.
W. E. Walling, U.S. labor economist

Fabians who have worked or are working on the American scene (incomplete

Herbert Agar
G. E. G. Catlin (Cornell
Arthur Creech-Jones
A. E. Davies
Herman Finer (University of Chicago)
H. Duncan Hall
Herman Kantorowicz (Columbia)
Hans Kohn
Harold Laski (Harvard and Roosevelt)
Jenny Lee, invited by “forward” groups of John Hopkins and Columbia
Michael Oakshott
Maurice Orbach
John Parker (Chicago, Roosevelt)
J. B. Priestley
D. N. Pritt

S. K. Ratcliffe, consistent visitor and reporter
W. Hudson Shaw (Oxonian), who came yearly to lecture in the University;
Extension Courses under auspices of Woodrow Wilson, in Philadelphia. They
published The Citizen, 1895 to 1901. (Shaw, known as “Broughman Villiers”)
R. H. Tawney
Graham Wallas
Barbara Ward, Catholic, but not lecturing under Catholic auspices (Lady

A typical list of Fabians found in Fabian News and Fabian Society Annual
Report in 1923-24:

F. G. Abbis Izak Goller
David Adams W. Graham
Percy Alden A. Greenwood
Major C. Attlee Mary Griffiths
W. J. Baker C. H. Grinling
Elizabeth Banks Dr. L. H. Guest
Mr. and Mrs. Granville Barker Grace Hadow
E. Beddington Behrens B. T. Hall
Marion Berry Dr. S. Hastings
G. C. Binyon W. Henderson
G. P. Blizard Lancelot Hogben
Maeve Brereton Lt. R. G. K. Hopp
Dr. Mabel Brodie L. Isserlis
George Burgneay Dr. Robert Jones
Noel Buxton Hon. Arnold Keppel
Percival Chubb James Kinley
Major Church George Lansbury
J. D. Clarkson Harold Laski
Mrs. Hansen Coates H. B. Lees-Smith
Mrs. A. E. Corner J. F. MacPherson
Morley Dainow W. H. Marwick
Gilbert Dale Sylvain Mayer
A. Emil Davies Rosalyn Mitchell
Mrs. Boyd Dawson Herbert Morrison
Dr. Percy Dearmer Miss Pennythorne
F. Lawson Dodd Reginald Pugh
H. Drinkwater Amber Reeves
G. S. M. Ellis W. A. Robson
Dr. J. W. Evans W. Samuels
Dr. Letitia Fairfield J. Scurr
M. Farrman Hugh Shayler
Dr. Herman Finer W. E. Simnet
F. W. Galton Dr. Gilbert Slater
Joseph Gill Captain Lothian Small
G. M. Gillett N. A. Sprott
F. W. Gladstone J. C. Squire
J. Stewart A. G. Walkden
Fred Tallant D. W. Wallace
Brig. Gen. C. B. Thomson Col. T. B. S. Williams
F. Thoresby Ernest Wimble
Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Tiffen Ella Winter
Ben Tillett

Early Obituaries:

Arthur Clutton-Brock Maurice Hewlett
Baron Felix de Bethune George Standring
G. H. Ellis Herbert Trench
William Game George H. Underwood
K. A. Hayland Edmund H. Woodward
Stewart Headlam

A list of names of Fabians from the Fabian News and Fabian Society
Annual Report, 1929-31:
Albert Albery J. L. Etty
Major D. Leigh Aman Henry Farmer
Vera Anstey Montague Fordham
A. Earle Applebee J. A. Lovat Fraser
Mabel Atkinson G. M. Gillett
Oliver Baldwin Alban Gordon
Mrs. M. E. Beadle Charlotte Haldane
Captain Hubert Beaumont A. Clifford Hall
Sir Ernest Benn J. E. Hamilton
Wedgwood Benn Mrs. M. A. Hamilton
William Bennett Mrs. M. Hankinson
J. D. Beresford J. Hazelip
Theodore Besterman A. Henderson
G. P. Blizard W. W. Henderson
Constance Bloor Will Herron
Patrick Braybrooke Mrs. D. L. Hobman
Dr. W. H. Brend F. E. Holsinger
Dr. F. G. Bushnill F. W. Hooper
Philip Butler Daniel Hopkins, M.A., LL.B., M.C.
Ronald Chamberlain
Major Church George Horwill
Anna Corner Hubert Humphreys
Sir Stafford Cripps, K.C. S. B. Jackson
George Cruickshank Lady Jowitt
Hugh Dalton, D.S.C. Lt. Commander J. M. Kenworthy
A. E. Davies Mrs. A. M. Lang
J. Percival Davies George Lansbury
Admiral Dewar Susan Lawrence
Dorothy Elliott A. J. Lynch
St. J. Ervine Ishbel MacDonald

A. G. F. Machin Bernard Shaw
B. Skene MacKay Dr. Drummond Shiels
Margaret McKillop, M.A., M.B.E. Nicholas Size
Miles Malleson C. M. Skepper
J. J. Mallon Dr. Gilbert Slater
S. F. Markham, B.A., B. Litt. Kingsley Smallie
Henry May Frank Smith
J. B. Melville, K.C. W. G. Smith
Mrs. H.C. Miall-Smith Harry Snell
Rosslyn Mitchell Mrs. Snowden
Edith Morley Marion Somerville
Herbert Morrison Colonel Maurice Spencer
Oswald Mosley Leopold Spero
Joseph W. Neal Jessie Stephens
H. W. Nevinson Lady Frances Stewart
J. T. Newbold Mrs. H. M. Swanwich
Rt. Hon. Noel-Buxton D. Taylor
H. St. John Philby Norman Tiptaft
Lord Ponsonby Mrs. R. Townsend
Richard Pope Ethel Turner
E. B. Powley George Van Raalte
Mrs. H. M. Pulley Gilbert J. Walker
Mrs. C. D. Rackham Graham Wallas
T. Ridpeth William English Walling
J. Jones Roberts Professor F. E. Weiss
H. S. Rowntree James Welsh
Bertrand Russell Rebecca West
Miss Sankey Ellen Wilkinson
J. A. Sargent F. H. Wiltshire
John Scurr L. A. wingfield
John Sharman A. Young
Evelyn Sharp Dr. Ruth Young


Rev. G. S. Belasco J. H. Stobart Greenhalgh
J. W. Buttery Frederick Walter King
Miss M. Gibson Mrs. M. Kirkwood

Fabian names from Fabian Society Annual Report and Fabian News in

A. H. Abbati Oliver Baldwin
Jennie Adamson Major Harry Barnes
Sir Norman Angell J. P. Barter
A. E. Applebee H. L. Beales
Wilcox Arnold L. A. Benjamin
Major C. Attlee Wedgwood Benn
Francis Bacon Theodore Besterman

Mrs. G. P. Blizard Arthur Henderson
R. D. Blumenfeld, editor Daily Express Mrs. E. A. Hubback
Maud Bodkin Miss B. L. Hutchins
I. M. Bolton C. Jenkinson
H. N. Brailsford Thomas Johnston
Lionel Britton Sir William Jowitt
C. Delisle Burns Mrs. R. Keeling
Henry Carter Helen Keynes
Professor G. E. G. Catlin Dr. Hans Kohn
Mrs. Cavendish-Bentinck George Lansbury
Colin Clark Harold Laski
T. W. Coates Richard Lee
G. D. H. Cole H. W. Lewis
Dudley Collard H. Light
J. S. Collis Lord Listowel
W. G. Cove Kingsley Martin
Ida M. Cowley Mrs. C. J. Mathew, L. C. C.
Philip Cox Dr. Caroline Maule
A. Creech-Jones Francis Meddings
Stafford Cripps Captain W. J. Millar
R. C. Crossman W. Milne-Bailey
Morley Dainow Herbert Morrison, J. P., L. C. C.
Hugh Dalton H. T. Muggeridge
A. E. Davies, L. C. C. F. J. Osborn
J. P. Davies F. W. Pethick-Lawrence
Dr. Har Dayal Miss Picton-Turberville
Barbara Drake, L. C. C. Major Graham Pole
A. R. Dryhurst Lord Ponsonby
Mary Ellison Mrs. C. D. Rackham
R. C. S. Ellison John Ramage
St John Ervine S. K. Ratcliffe
Gordon Esher Paul Reed
Rowland Estacourt T. Reid
Dr. Eric Fletcher W. A. Robson
Dr. M. Follick F. A. P. Rowe
Robert Fraser Bertrand Russell
J. S. Furnivall H. P. Lansdale Ruthven
F. W. Galton Joclyn Rys
G. T. Garrett H. Samuels
Robert Gibson, K. C., LL. B. Captain W. S. Sanders
Alban Gordan Amy SAyles
Barbara Ayrton Gould A. Luckhurst Scott
Dr. L. Haden Guest Dr. S. Segal
Captain Basil Hall T. Drummond Shiels
J. H. Harley Lewis Silkin
T. Driffield Hawkins Arthur Skeffington

Lord Snell R. H. Tawney
Frank Soskice Ivor Thomas
Mrs. Arnold Stephens Ernest Thurtle
F. L. Stevens Ben Tillett
Michael Stewart Nanette Tuteur
Professor J. L. Stocks Sir Raymond Unwin
G. R. Strauss R. McKinnen Wood
Hubert Sweeny Leonard Woolf


J. A. Fallows Dr. Robert Lyons
A. Henderson (1937) Fred Tallant
Walter Hudson Alexander Wicksteed
Mrs. R. B. Kerr George Francis Wilson
James Leakey

A specially selected list of names of Fabians from records of 1942 to 1947,
showing continuity and prestige:

Clement Attlee Harold Laski
F. R. Blanco-White George Lathan
H. N. Brailsford A. Lewis
Marjorie Brett J. J. Mallon
Frances Coates Mrs. L’Estrange Malone
Margaret Cole Kingsley Martin
Cecily Craven C. Mayhew
A. Creech-Jones Herbert Morrison
Richard Crossman P. Noel-Baker
HughDalton R. Postgate
A. E. Davies R. A. Raffan
Barbara Drake J. W. Raisin
Dorothy Elliott John Ramage
Lord Faringdon W.A. Robson
Eric Fletcher Amy Sayle
J. S. Furnivall Emanuel Shinwell
F. W. Galton Arthur Skeffington
Agnes Gibson Reginald Stamp
Rita Hinden Edith Summerskill
Lancelot Hogben Leonard Woolf
C. E. M. Joad Barbara Wootton
William Jowitt


Mostyn Lloyd Beatrice Webb (1943)
William Mellor (1942) Sidney Webb (1948)
Lord Olivier (1943) Ellen Wilkinson (1947)

These names had long been listed; many through the thick and thin of the
nineteen-twenties. They must have kept up their dues, for Margaret Cole
made a clean slate of the paid up membership in her reorganization.

These names, old and new, of Fabians of the 1942 to 1947 group have taken
on the hue and verve of ZIP and the New Fabian Research Bureau:

Austen Albu John Parker
Dorothy Archibald Morgan Phillips
Sir Richard Aucland Sybil Prinsky
N. Barou
N. Pritt (retained as counsel for “the Eleven” Communists on appeal
before the U.S. Supreme Court)
Barbara Betts
Aneurin Bevan
F. A. Cobb
Freda Corbett Sir Hartley Shawcross
E. F. M. Durbin Stephen Spender
M. Edelman John Strachey
Hugh Franklin Ivor Thomas
V. Gollancz Sybil Thorndike
Frank Horrabin Herbert Tracey
Compton MacKenzie W. N. Warbey
Ian Mikardo G. D. N. Worswick
Ivor Montagu Lamartine Yates
George Orwell K. Zilliacus

Last, but not the least, there follows a list of “empire” and “international”
topics and the names of specially interested Fabians. These were taken from
the Fabian Society Annual Report of 1945-1946, and which covers the
election following the last year of war coalition when “Labour” formed a
“Socialist” Government:

Fabian Colonial Essays, contributed by H. N. Brailsford, M. Fortes, J. S.
Furnivall, Ida Ward, C. W. Greeniage, L. Woolf, Margaret Wrong, et al.,
edited by Rita Hinden.

Newfoundland the Forgotten Island, by Lord Ammon.

The World Parliament of Labour, by R. J. P. Mortished: International
Labour Organisation.

Africa, the West Indies, Palestine, India, and questions concerning the
Post-War Settlement and dealing with education, resources, crops, unionism,
politics, were treated by P. Noel-Baker, Wilfred Benson (ILO), E. E. Doll,
A. Dalgleish, Lord Faringdon,* Captain Gammons, Frank Horrabin, *
Julian Huxley, A. Creech-Jones,* Lord Listowel,* Harold Laski,* Professor
W. MacMillan, John Parker,* Lord Rennel, Reginald Sorensen, L. Woolf,*
K. Zilliacus.*

The names marked by asterisks are those of persons also serving on the
Fabian Executive.

An International Farewell Gathering held in October, 1945, was presided
over by P. Noel-Baker and sent greetings to French, Belgian and Italian
“comrades” in letters signed by representatives of twelve countries and
addressed to Daniel Mayer, Louis de Brouckere and Pietro Nenni, leading
Social Democrats. Cf. FSAR, 1945, p. 15. In every Fabian Society Annual

Report, 1929 to 1950, the name of Margaret Cole appears in official, foreign
and domestic connections.

As to the Webbs: Sidney (Lord Passfield) was on the Fabian Executive
as late as 1934. From 1935 to 1939, while A. Emil Davies kept the Society
together and the Fabian News coming out, the Webbs, having held up the
publication of their book on Soviet Russia until after the Election of 1935,
devoted themselves to receiving persons of “liberal” persuasion of every
rank (including Maisky, the Russian Ambassador) and to propagandizing
for Sovietism. They received a direct and negative reply to their rhetorical
question: Soviet Socialism: A New Civilisation? from Pius XI in Divini

Re: Fabian-inspired Brain Trust on U.S. Trade Union movement, see Fabian
News, November, 1943. The following names are listed as participating:

Bryn Roberts, British TU Delegate to the United States.
Stanley Ceizyk (member of International Association of Machinists Unions”,
Hugh T. Mahoney (member of the U.S. Steel Workers Union, CIO).
Sam Berger (Labor Advisor to U.S. Mission for Economic Affairs).
Ernest Davies, M.P., son of A. E. Davies and disciple of Laski; one time
editor of The Clarion.

The following names are those of Fabians who may be characterized as
“old-timers” of the nineteen-twenties and nineteen-thirties. These names
were gleaned from the Fabian News and Fabian Society Annual Report.
Many will be recognized as well-known in :6elds not usually characterized
as “Fabian.” These are marked with an asterisk.
* Dr. Addison; Elections (FSAR)
Herbert Agar; New Fabian Group, 1930
R. Aldington; Fabian parliamentary candidate, 1930, J.P.
* Rt. Hon. L. S. Amery; Livingstone Hall lecturer, 1933
* Lord Arnold; Summer School, 193,3
Oliver Baldwin; Fabian parliamentary candidate, 1929, Personal Notes,
Professor Ernest Barker; Personal Notes, 1925, Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1928
* H. Granville Barker; Fabian Society Annual Report, 1919
* Mrs. R. Cavendish-Bentinck; Appeal by Hon. Treasurer, 1936
* J. D. Beresford; Fabian Summer Schools, 1930-1933
Annie Besant; King’s Hall lecturer, 1919, Obit., 1933
Amber Reeves Blanco-White; Personal Notes, 1923, Summer School lecturer, 1936
* Margaret Bondfield; King’s Hall lecturer, 1920, parliamentary candidate,
1920; President of Trades Union Congress, 1923, Fabian Women’s
Group, 1931
* C. Delisle Burns; Meetings of the Society, 1927, Kingsway Hall lecturer,
1927, Obit., 1934, Personal Notes, 1933

* Rt. Hon. Noel Buxton, M.P.; Meetings of the Society, 1924, General
Election, 1929
* Percival Chubb; Personal Notes, 1923
* Arthur Clutton-Brock; 1924
Alderman A. Emil Davies, L.C.C.; Executive Committee, 1924 (ret.), 3rd
week Summer School, 1925 (chairman), Executive Committee election,
O. V. der Sprenkel; Annual Meeting, 1925, Fabian Summer School, 1930
* R. C. K. Ensor; King’s Hall lecturer, 1919, Personal Notes, 1933
* St. John Ervine; Kingsway Hall, 1927, Personal Notes, 1934
Rowland Estcourt; Obit., 1934
* Dr. Letitia Fairfield; Lectures, 1919, Executive Committee, 1924 (ret.)
Lovat Fraser; Annual Meeting, 1925
F. W. Galton; Executive Committee, 1924 (ret.), 1925-26 FAR; Executive
committee Election, 1934, Development Fund, 1946
Dr. G. P. Gooch; Meetings of the Society, 1924, Essex Hall lecturer, 1929,
Livingstone Hall lecturer, 1938
* Rt. Hon. Arthur Greenwood, M.P.; General Election, 1924, Meeting of
the Society, 1926, Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1929
Major Haden Guest, M.P.; Executive Committee, Council elections, 1919;
1924 (ret.), Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1924, General Elections, 1924,
Summer School committee, 1925 (chairman), Fabian parliamentary candidate,
1934, Personal Notes, 1934
* Grace Hadow; Fabian Women’s Group, 1924
Charlotte Haldane; Fabian Women’s Group, 1929, Fabian Nursery Dance,
Elizabeth Haldane; Fabian Women’s Group, 1930
* Rt. Hon. Viscount Haldane; Obit., 1928, (OM)
Captain Basil Hall; Executive Committee, 1924 (ret.) 2nd week Summer
School (chairman) 1925; Executive Committee Election, 1934, Fabian
Summer School, 1934
* Professor Duncan Hall; Personal Notes, 1926
Mary Agnes Hamilton; Fabian Summer School, 1929, Fabian Women’s
Group, 1930, Personal Notes, 1933
* J. L. and Barbara Hammond; Personal Notes, 1926
* Professor Lancelot Hogben; Autumn lecturer, 1936, Summer School, 1942
Hubert Humphreys; (Not to be confused with the American Hubert
Humphrey.) Caucus-Labour Party Conference, 1955
Helen Keynes; Summer School, 1927, Executive Committee Election, 1934,
Livingstone Hall lecturer, 1937
Dr. Hans Kohn; Personal Notes, 1926, 1934, 1937; Fabian Summer
School, 1933
* Rt. Hon. G. Lansbury; General Election, 1924, Personal Notes, 1930, 1935
Professor A. D. Lindsay; Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1926
Kenneth Lindsay; Summer School lecturer, 1928
Mrs. C. L’Estrange Malone; Executive Committee Election, 1933,Women’s
Group Meeting, 1942

S. F. Markham, M.P., B.A., B. Litt.; General Election, 1929, Personal
Notes, 1930
Oswald Mosley, M.P.; Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1924, Livingstone Hall
lecturer, 1931
H. T. Muggeridge; Fabian parliamentary candidate, 1934, Personal Notes,
J. T. Walton Newbold; Personal Notes, 1929
J. F. Oakeshott, (father of Professor Michael Oakeshott, who is not a
Fabian); Personal Notes, 1922
* Lord Olivier; Kingsway Hall, 1927, Personal Notes, 1933
E. R. Pease; Executive Committee, 1924 (ret.), Publicist, 1925, Annual
Meeting, 1927
* Lord Ponsonby; Livingstone Hall lecturer, 1931, Summer School, 1935
H. S. Rowntree; Fabian parliamentary candidate, 1929
* Bertrand Russell; Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1924, 1926-, 1930, 1934;
Autumn lecturer, 1937
Sir Arthur Salter; Friends Hall lecturer) 1937
Professor G. Salvemini; FAR, 1929
John Scurr, M.P.; General Election, 1924, Personal Notes, 1925, 1930;
London County Council Election, 1931, Obit., 1932
Clarence Senior; Personal Notes, 1929 (USA)
Harry Snell, M.P., L.C.C.; Executive Committee, 1924, (ret.), 1925-26,
FAR, 1936, Executive Committee Elections, 1931, 1934, (Lord Plum¥
* Wickham Steed; Autumn lecturer, 1936
F. L. Stevens; (Clarion) Personal Notes, 1930, Fabian parliamentary
candidate, 1935
Hannen Swaffer; Summer School, 1931
Sir Raymond Unwin; Personal Notes, 1919, Autumn lecturer, 1935
Professor Graham Wallas; King’s Hall lecturer, 1921, General Election,
1924; Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1930, Obit., 1932
William English Walling; Summer School, 1929
Rebecca West; Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1929
Ellen Wilkinson; Fabian Women’s Croup, 1930, Stop Press, 1947
* P. Lamartine Yates; Fabian Summer School, 1942

The following names are those of Fabians who in the nineteen-forties and
nineteen-fifties contributed to the work of the Society notably enough to be
reported in Fabian News and Fabian Journal, in New Fabian Essays, in
pamphlets, lectures on the Colonial Bureau and the International Bureau.

Mark Abrams; Publicist, 1952,-53,-55, Summer School lecturer, 1951-54
Dorothy Archibald; Fabian May School, 1946, Election of the Executive
Committee, 1946
Dr. Alexander Baykov; International Affairs Group, 1941
Anthony Wedgwood Benn, M.P.; Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1932, Friends
Hall lecturer, 1937, Com. of the House 14-day work, 1956, Chairman,
International Bureau, 1962-63

Helen C. Bentwich, L.C.C.; Livingstone Hall lecturer, 1938, “Recreation
in a Machine Age” lecture, 1942
Geoffrey Bing, M.P.; Autumn lecturer, 1947
Professor P. M. S. Blackett; Jubilee lecturer, 1946, Retiring Executive
Attendance Record, 1947
Don Bowers; T. U. C., Central London Fabian Society speaker
Christopher Boyd, M.P.; Local Societies Committee, 1954-55, (Retain death
Wilfred Brown; Co-oped to E. C., 1954, Publicist, 1956
W. A. Burke, M.P.; Trades Unions’ Section, NEC (LAB) 1955
Lord Campion; Clerk of House of Commons, Easter School lecturer, 1955
Barbara Castle, M.P.; Summer School lecturer, 1953, Constituency
Organisations’ Section NEC, (LAB) 1955
A. J. Champion, M.P.; Summer School, 1953
Walter M. Citrine; Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1933
J. Cooper; Trades Unions’ Section, NEC (LAB) 1955
Freda Corbett; Socialist Propaganda Committee, 1941
Geoffrey de Freitas, M.P.; Summer School, 1952, Director, 1953; New
Year School Director, 1954
John Diamond; Hon. Treasurer of Fabian Society, 1952,-54,-55,-56, Finance
and General Purposes Committee, 1952, 70th Anniversary Reception,
Rt. Hon. John Dugdale, M.P.; Colonial Advisory Committee, 1952,-54,-55,
One day School, 1953
Andrew Filson; Stop Press, 1947, Research Programme, 1947
Herman Finer, D. Sc.; Personal Notes, 1924, Executive Committee Election,
1937, (Professor, University of Chicago)
Michael Foot, M.P.; Fabian Colonial Bureau Committee Debate, 1947
Hugh Franklin; Socialist Propaganda Committee, 1941
Tom Fraser; Committee of the Parliamentary Labour Party, 1956
Herta Gotthelf; International Bureau, 1948
C. W. W. Greenidge; Colonial Bureau, 1952,-54,-55
Anthony Greenwood, M.P.; Constituency Organisations’ Section NEC
(LAB), 1955
R. J. Gunter; Trades Unions’ Section NEC (LAB) 1955
Margaret Herbison, M.P.; Women’s Lecture Group, 1947, NEC (LAB)
John Hynd, M.P.; Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952,-54,-55,
Weekend School, 1952
Douglas Jay, M.P.; Elections, 1947, Autumn lectures, 1947
Sybil Jeger; Personal Notes, 1937, Local Societies and School and Socials
Committee, 1952
Carol Johnson; Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952-1955
R. W. G. Mackay, M.P.; Summer School, 1949
Compton Mackenzie; Shaw Society, 1946
Hector McNeil; Socialist Propaganda Committee, 1941, Obit., 1955
G. R. Mitchison, M.P., Q.C.;á Married to Naomi Haldane, Essayist, 1952

Fred Mulley, M.P.; Summer School lecturer, 1953, Local Societies
Committee, 1954-55
B. Nicholls; Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1954-55
Maurice Orbach; Middlesex Committee lecturer, 1947
Michael Pease; Publicist, 1949
Phillips Price, M.P.; Retain death penalty, 1956
Sybil Prinsky; Local Society News, 1947, Regional News, 1947
Dr. Victor Purcell; Speaker at International and Colonial Bureau
Conference, 1952, Publicist
J. W. Raisin; Northwest London Fabian Societies, 1946, Local Societies
Committee, 1952,-54,-55
Kenneth Rose; Annual General Meeting, 1954
Solly Sachs; Summer School, 195,3
Eve Saville; Research and Publications Assistant, 1952
Hilda Selwyn-Clarke; Secretary of the Colonial Bureau, 1955, Assistant
Secretary, 1953-1955,
Sydney Silverman, M.P.; Easter School lecturer, 1956
F. W. Skinnard; Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952,-54,-55,
Publicist, 1955
R. W. Sorensen, M.P.; Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952, Vice
chairman, 1954-55
Jack Tanner; President of T. U. C., Speaker at 70th Anniversary Reception,
Sybil Thorndike; Shaw Society, 1946
Evelyn Walkden, M.P.; Socialist Propaganda Committee, 1941
H. W. Wallace; Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952,-54,-55
W. N. Warbey, M.P.; Summer School, 1949,
W. P. Watkins; Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1954-55
A. Wedgwood-Benn; Autumn lecturer, 1935, Colonial Bureau Advisory
Committee, 1954-55
D. Widdicombe; International Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952
Ronald Williams, M.P.; Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952,-54,-55;
Summer School, 1954, Publicist, 1955
H. V. Wiseman; Summer School, 1952
G. D. N. Worswick; May School, 1946, European Recovery, 1949
Michael Young; Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1947, Summer
School lecturer, 1951, Easter School lecturer, 1954


Joseph and Stewart Alsop; 1956 John Herling
Max Beloff; 1956 American Foreign Policy Mark DeWolfe Howe
Henry Steele Commager George F. Kennan; American Diplomacy, 1900-1950
Professor P. Sargent Florence Harry W. Laidler; Personal Notes, 1932
S. Glover John Gunther; 1956 Dr. Margaret Mead; Weekend

Colonial Conference lecturer, 1942 Mark Starr; 1955 Creeping Socialism
T. A. Oxley; Travel slides on U.S.A., 1955 Adlai Stevenson; 1955
Harry S. Truman; 1956
Eleanor Roosevelt David Williams; 1947 Fabian Journal
Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.; 1954
Rudolf Schlesinger; Weekend School Lecturer, 1953 John G. Winant; Luncheon, 1941
Elaine Windrich; 1956, Essayist, 1955
Joseph Schumpeter
Albert Schweitzer Ella Winter; Personal Notes, 1924
D. C. Sommervell


Timothy Bankole; 1956, Kwame Nkrumah Lord Ismay; 1955
James Avery Joyce; 1955
Vernon Bartlett; 1955, Autumn lecturer, 1937 H. O. Judd; The Development of Social Administration
Professor Norman Bentwich; 1953 Michael Lindsay; 1947
Aneurin Bevan; 1954, Autumn lecturer, 1942 Rene MacColl; Just Back from Russia: 77 Days Inside the Soviet Union
Lord Beveridge; 1949
D. W. Brogan; 1955 Jules Moch; Human Folly: To Disarm or Perish?
Ivor Brown
Dean of Canterbury; Eastern Europe in the Socialist World H. J. P. Mortishead; 1946
Malcolm Muggeridge; Easter School lecturer, 1955
Lord Chorley; 1956, Essayist, 1954-1955 D. L. Munby; 1953-1954, Essayist, 1952
Issac Deutscher; Weekend School lecturer, 1953 J. F. Northcott; 1953-1955
Maurice Dobb; 1955 J. Boyd Orr
Arnold Forster; 1947 George Padmore; Gold Coast Revolution
R. K. Gardiner; The Development of Social Administration
Raymond Postgate; 1955, Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1947
George Godfrey; 1955, Chairman of the Fabian Society of New South Wales
J. B. Priestley; 1947
Michael Greenberg; British Trade and the Opening of China, 1952
Viscount Samuel; The Good Citizen
Dr. John Hammond; International Bureau, 1943 W. H. Scott; 1955
John Hatch; Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1954-55, Commonwealth Officer of Labour Party, 1956, Publicist, 1956
Professor Hugh Seton-Watson; 1953, International Bureau Advisory Commi9ttee, 1954-55
Leo Silberman; 1956
J. A. Hobson; 1954
Lord Simon of Wythenshawe; 1955

Derrick Sington; Essayist, 1953-1955
Stephen Spender; 1942 Weekend Education Conference
Leslie C. Stevens; Life in Russia
A. J. P. Taylor; 1955, Summer School lecturer, 1955
Morgan Thomson; Editor of Forward, Speaker, 1952
Peter Townsend; 1955-56, Home Research Committee, 1954-55
Arnold Toynbee; 1956, Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1926
Veronica Toynbee; Easter School lecturer, 1954, 70th Anniversary Reception, 1954
Barbara Ward (Lady Lindsay)
Barbara Wooton; The Social Foundations of Wage Policy, Retiring Executive, 1942, 1954

The following members of the London Fabian Society were selected from
about five hundred cards as representing Fabians who have given conspicuous
service to the Society, judging by the citations in Fabian News, Fabian
Journal and Fabian Society Annual Report.

Sir Richard Aucland, M.P.
Livingstone Hall Lectures, 1937
Guest of honor at luncheon, 1942
Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952
Speaker at Colonial Bureau Meeting,1952

Brian Abel-Smith
Essayist, 1955
Executive Committee, 1954-55
Weekend School lecturer, 1956
Publicist, 1956

Austen Albu, M.P.
Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1946
Summer School, 1949
Essayist, 1952
Finance and General Purposes
Publicist, 1953, 1954
Chairman, Annual General Meeting, 1954
Chairman, Society, 1954
Executive Committee, 1952-1956
Attended 70th Anniversary Reception, 1954
Home Research Committee, 1955
Speaker at Central London Fabian Society

Rt. Han. Clement R. Attlee, M.P.
Council Elections,’ 1919
Personal Notes, 1922,1934
General Election, 1924
Jubilee Rally, 1946
Essayist, 1952
Publicist, 1954
Speaker at 70th Anniversary Reception,1954
Leader of the Parliamentary Party, 1955
Resigned as Leader Parliamentary Labour, 1956

Dr. Thomas Balogh
Fabian Weekend School lecturer,
Autumn School lecturer, 1952
Executive Committee, 1952-1956
Home Research Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Publicist, 1954, 1956
Essayist, 1956
Economic Adviser to the Maltese Government, 1956

Dr. N. Barou
Summer School, 1942
Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1947
Current Publications, 1948
Welsh Council of Fabian Societies, 1949
Summer School, 1949
Summer School lecturer, 1951
Local Societies Committee, 1952

G. R. Blanco-White
Annual Meeting, 1936
List of Candidates, 1942
Schools and Socials Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Resigned Committee, 1955

Arthur Blenkinsop, M.P.
Summer School lecturer, 1953-54
Summer School seminar leader, 1954
Executive Committee, 1955-56
Publicist, 1956

H. N. Brailsford
Meetings of the Society, 1927
Personal Notes, 1932, 1935
Fabian International Bureau, 1942
Summer School lecturer, 1951
Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Elected Honorary Member, 1953

Fenner Brockway, M.P.
Easter School lecturer, 1949
Addressed North London Society, 1953
Publicist, 1956
Defeated as candidate for Parliament from Eton, 1964

Ritchie Calder
Speaker at Summer Schools, 1952
Executive Committee, 1952-53, 1954-1956
Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Autumn Weekend School lecturer, 1954

James Callaghan, M.P.
Easter School Director, 1949, 1953, 1956
Publicist, 1953
Summer School lecturer, 1953,1956
Observe Malta Referendum, 1956

G. E. G. Catlin
Personal Notes, 1934, 1937
Executive Committee Election, 1936
Livingstone Hall Lecture, 1938

Donald Chapman, M.P.
Labour Party Conference, 1951
General Secretary of Fabian Society, 1952
National Transportation School, 1952
Chairman of Home Research, 1952
Publicist, 1954, 1956

Colin Clark
Lecturer, 1934
Personal Notes, 1937, 1938
Livingstone Hall Lecture, 1937

G. D. H. Cole
Executive Committee Election, 1931
Lecturer, 1934
Summer School lecturer, 1951
Attended 70th Anniversary Reception, 1954
Guest of honor 70th Anniversary Dinner, 1954
Publicist, 1954-1956
President of Society, 1954

Margaret Cole
Current Publications, 1947
Research by Local Fabian Societies, 1947
Honorary Secretary of Fabian Society,1952
Essayist, 1952, 1955
Finance and General Purposes, Home
Research, Colonial Bureau Advisory,
International Bureau Advisory Local
Societies, and Schools and Socials
Committees-1952, 1954-55
Executive Committee, 1952-1955;
Vice Chairman, 1955-56; Chairman, 1956
Chairman of Further Education, L.C.C., 1953
Publicist, 1954, 1956
Director, Education School, 1955
President, Fabian Society, 1962

A. Creech-Jones
Fabians and the Colonies, 1949
Executive Committee, 195á2-1956

Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Visit to Africa, 1955

Sir Stafford Cripps
Lecturer, 1934
President of the Fabian Society, 1952

C. A. R. Crosland, M.P.
Easter School lecturer, 1949
Summer School lecturer, 1951-1955
Home Research Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Executive Committee, 1952-53, 1954-1956
Essayist, 1952, 1955
Weekend School lecturer, 1956
Chairman, Fabian Society, 1962-63

R. H. S. Crossman, M.P.
Lecturer, 1934
Fabian Summer School, 1937
Livingstone Hall Lecture, 1938
International Bureau, 1942
Autumn lecturer, 1947
Summer School, 1949
Essayist, 1952, 1955
Executive Committee, 1952-1956
Home Research, International Bureau
Advisory Committees-1952, 1954-55
Schools and Socials Committee, 1954-55
Summer School Director, 1955
Constituency Organisations’ Section NEC (LAB) 1955
Select Committee of House on 14-day work, 1956

Rt. Hon. Hugh Dalton, M.P.
Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1924
Fabian Reception Tea, 1946,
Jubilee Lecture, 1946
Summer School lecturer, 1952, 1954
Easter School, 1953
Essayist, 1952, 1955
Publicist, 1954
Weekend School Director, 1956

Ernest Davies, M.P.
National Transportation School, 1952
Publicist, 1954
Easter School lecturer, 1955

Barbara Drake
Executive Committee, 1924, 1925-26
Executive Committee Election, 1924,1934
London County Council Election, 1931
Fabian Library, 1943
Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1946

T. Driberg, M.P.
Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Constituency Organisations’ Section NEC (LAB) 1955

E. Durbin, M.P.
Livingstone Hall lecturer, 1938
Fabian Easter School, 1943
Jubilee Lecture, 1946
Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1947

Maurice Edelman, M.P.
Fabian May School, 1946
Summer School, Denmark, 1947
Summer School lecturer, 1951

Lord Faringdon
Chairman of Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952, 1955
Executive Committee, 1952, 1954-1956
Reported to Annual General Meeting,1954
Finance and General Purposes; Committee member, 1955

Wilfred Fienburgh, M.P.
Summer School speaker, 1952
Easter School lecturer, 1955
Publicist, 1955

Hugh Gaitskell, M.P.
New Year Weekend School lecturer,1951

Executive Committee, 1952
Autumn School lecturer, 1952
Editor, New Fabian Essays, 1954
70th Anniversary Reception, 1954
New Year School lecturer, 1954-55
Treasurer, NEC (LAB) 1955
Leader of Parliamentary Labour Party, 1956

Gerald Gardiner, Q. C., M. P.
Co-opted EC, 1954
Executive Committee, 1954-1956
Abolish death penalty, 1956
Publicist, 1956 (Capital Punishment)

Rt. Hon. James Griffiths, M.P.
Executive Committee election, 1946
Summer School lecturer, 1949
Chairman of International and Colonial Bureau Conference, 1952
Director of New Year Weekend School, 1951
Colonial Bureau Speaker, 1952
Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952, 1954-55
70th Anniversary Reception, 1954
Constituency Organisations; Section NEC (LAB) 1955
Deputy Leader of Parliamentary Labour Party, 1956

Denis Healey, M. P.
International Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Autumn School lecturer, 1952
Essayist, 1952-1956
Publicist, 1953
Speaker at Rally, 1953
Summer School lecturer, 1953-54
Executive Committee, 1954-56

Dr. Rita Hinden
Publicist1946, 1954
International Bureau Conference, 1949
Summer School Seminar Leader, 1951
Colonail Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Summer School lecturer, 1952-53
Introduced Annual Report to Colonial Bureau, 1954

J. Frank Horrabin
Chairman of the Colonial Bureau, 1945-1950
Executive Committee Election, 1946
Executive Committee, 1946
Shaw Society, 1946
Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1947

Douglas Houghton, M. P.
Executive Committee, 1952
Fabian Society Annual Report, 1952-53
Home Research Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Summer School lecturer, 1952-55
Publicist, 1953

H. D. Hughes
Summer School Director, 1951, 1953-54
Vice Chairman of Fabian Bureau, 1952
Executive Committee, 1952-1956
Reported to Annual General Meeting, 1954
Autumn Weekend School Director, 1954
Chairman Committee Home Research, 1955
Education School lecturer, 1955
Judge of “Why I am a Socialist,” 1955
Publicist, 1956

Rt. Hon. Douglas Jay, M. P.
Autumn School lecturer, 1947, 1952
Essayist, 1952, 1955
Financial Secretary to the treasury of last Labour Government
Parliamentary delegate to Brazil, 1955

Roy Jenkins, M.P.
Summer School lecturer, 1949, 1951-1955
Essayist, 1952
Publicist, 1952
Executive Committee, 1952-53
Fabian Society Annual Report, 1954-1956
Finance and General Purposes Committee, 1952-1955
Annual General Meeting, 1954
Schools and Socials Committee, 1954-55
70th Anniversary Reception, 1954
Observe Malta Referendum, 1956
Easter School lecturer, 1956

Cyril E. M. Joad
Personal Notes, 1921
Summer School, 1942, 1952
Publicist, 1953

James Johnson, M.P.
Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952
Local Societies Committee, 1952-1955
Summer School Seminar Leader, 1954
Publicist, 1954

Sir William Jowitt, K.C., M.P.
Autumn lecturer, 1935
Guest of honor at luncheon, 1943

H. J. Laski
Executive Committee, 1944, Chairman
Publicist, 1925-1949

Susan Lawrence, M.P., L.C.C.
Executive Committee, 1924
Kingsway Hall Autumn lecturer, 1924
Welsh Council of Fabian Societies
Fabian Women’s Group, 1929

Lord Listowel
Personal Notes, 1934
Autumn School lecturer, 1947
Summer School speaker, 1952
Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952-1955
Publicist, 1955-56

Richard Loewenthal
Essayist, 1955, 1956
Staff member of the Observer

James MacColl, M.P.
Home Research Committee, 1954-1955
Essayist, 1955
Summer School lecturer, 1955
Publicist, 1956

Norman MacKenzie
Summer School speaker, 1952-1954
Assistant Editor of New Statesman and Nation
Essayist, 1955
Publicist, 1956

T. E. M. McKitterick
Essayist, 1952-1956
Publicist, 1953-1956
February Weekend School, 1952
Executive Committee, 1952
Fabian Society Annual Report, 1954-1956
International Bureau Advisory and Local Societies Committees, 1952-1956 Chairman
New Year School lecturer, 1954-55
Annual General Meeting, 1954
Prospective Labour Candidate for York, 1955
Co-opted to Executive Committee, 1954

Kingsley Martin
Executive Committee Election, 1931, 1934
Essayist, 1952
Summer School lecturer, 1953
Publicist, 1953-54
70th Anniversary Reception, 1954

Christopher Mayhew
Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1947
Caucus-Labour Party Conference, 1955
“Fabian of Long Standing,” 1955

Ian Mikardo, M. P.
Local Society News, 1947
Summer School, 1949, Director, 1952
Essayist, 1952
Speaker at Central London Fabian Society, 1952
Executive Committee, 1952-53
Finance and General Purposes Committee, 1952; Resigned, 1955
Socialism and the Press, Chairman, 1953
Fabian Society Annual Report, 1954-55
Easter School Director, 1954-55
Constituency Organizations’ Section NEC (LAB) 1955

Bosworth Monck
Local Society News, 1947
General Secretary of Laski Fund, 1948

Ivor Montagu
Annual Meeting, 1936
Election of the Executive Committee, 1946

H. Morrison, M.P.
General Election, 1924
Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1930
Fabian parliamentary candidate, 1934
Personal Notes, 1934
Jubilee Rally, 1946
Deputy Leader of the Parliamentary Party, 1955
National Executive Committee (LAB) 1955
Resigned Parliamentary Labour Party, 1956

Marjorie Nicholson
Secretary of the Colonial Bureau, 1950-1955
Publicist, 1954
Staff of the Trades Union Council, 1955

Lord Pakenham
Summer School Lecturer, 1953
Autobiography, Born to Believe

John Parker, M.P.
Easter School, 1943
Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1947
Chairman of the Society, 1952
Summer School, 1952, Director, 1953-1956
Finance and General Purposes Committee, 1952
Home Research Colonial Bureau Advisory, International
Bureau Advisory and Schools and Socials Comittees, 1952
Executive Committee, 1952-1955, Secretary, 1956
Annual General Meeting, 1954
70th Anniversary Reception, 1954

Lord Pethick-Lawrence
Personal Notes, 1934
Summer School lecturer, 1925
Caucus-Labour Party Conference, 1955

Morgan Phillips
Conference on Problems, 1946
Autumn School lecturer, 1947
Judge of “Why I am a Socialist,” 1955

Philip Noel-Baker, M.P.
International Bureau, 1942
Fabian Colonial Bureau, 1950-1956

D. N. Pritt, M.P.
Colonial Bureau and Debates, 1947

S. K. Ratcliffe
Essex Hall, 1927
Executive Committee, 1924
Sumer School lecturer, 1925
Executive Committee Election, 1934

R. D. V. Roberts
Home Research Committee, 1954-55
Publicist, 1954

Essayist, 1955

Professor W. A. Robson
Executive Committee, 1924
Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1927
Executive Committee Election, 1934
Personal Notes, 1937
Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1947
Executive News, 1948
Easter School lecturer, 1955
Publicist, 1956

W. T. Rodgers
Assistant Secretary, 1951
Secretary of the International Bureau, 1952-1955
Summer School lecturer, 1954
Labour Party Conference Delegate, 1954-55
Publicist, 1954
General Secretary, 1954-55
Essayist, 1955
National Executive Committee (LAB) 1956

J. W. Robertson Scott
Personal Notes, 1922, 1926, 1930, 1937

Rt. Hon. Sir Hartley Shawcross, K.C., M.P.
Jubilee Lecturer, 1946

Dr. T. Drummond Shiels
Kingsway Hall lecturer, 1930-1932
Summer School lecturer, 1933-34, 1937

Emanuel Shinwell
Easter School, 1942
Publicist, 1955

Arthur Skeffington, M.P.
Fabian parliamentary candidate, 1934
Hon. Treasurer’s Report, 1937
Inaugural Meetings, 1947
Local Society News, 1947
Easter School, 1947, Director, 1949
London Labour Party Conference
Executive Committee, 1951-52, 1954-55
Essayist, 1952
Executive Committee, 1952-53
Fabian Society Annual Report, 1954-1956
Finance and General Purposes Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Local Societies Committee Chairman, 1952-1955
Socialist, Co-operative and Professional
Organisations’ Section NEC (LAB) 1955
Annual General Meeting, 1954
70th Anniversary Reception, 1954
Publicist, 1954

Sir Frank Soskice, M.P., Q.C.
Summer School lecturer, 1954
Easter School lecturer, 1956

Reginald Stamp, L.C.C.
Northwest London Fabian Societies, 1946
Easter School, 1952

Mary Stewart
Executive Committee, 1952-53
Finance and General Purposes and Local
Societies Committees, 1952,1954-55
Summer School lecturer, 1952-1954
Fabian Society Annual Report, 1954-1956
70th Anniversary Reception, 1954
Annual General Meeting, 1954
Publicist, 1953, 1955-56

Michael Stewart, M.P.
Summer School Co-Director, 1952, lecturer, 1954
New Year School lecturer, 1954-.55
Publicist, 195-6

John Strachey, M.P.
Elections, 1947
Executive News, 1947
Summer School
Fabians and the Colonies, 1949
Essayist, 1952, 1955-56

Dr. Edith Summerskill, M.P.

Personal Notes, 1937
Women’s Group lecturer, 1946

R. H. Tawney
Executive Committee, 1924
Meeting of the Society, 1926

Rt. Hon. Patrick Gordon Walker, M.P.
Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1947
Summer School lecturer, 1952, 1953
One Day School lecturer, 1953
Essayist (Fabian International Essays) 1956
Lecturer, 1926
Personal Notes, 1930
Author, 1952, Equality
Guest of Honor at 70th Anniversary Dinner, 1954

Philip Thurman
London Labour Party Conference Delegate, 1951-52
Schools and Socials Committee, 1952, Chairman, 1954-55
Executive Committee, 1954-55
Local Societies Committee, 1954-55

Herbert Tracey
Socialist Propaganda Committee, 1941

Eirene White, M.P.
Executive Committee, 1952-53
Fabian Society Annual Report, 1954-1956
New Year Weekend School lecturer, 1951
Colonial Bureau Committee, 1952, 1954-55
Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee Meeting speaker, 1952
Publicist, 1954, 1956
70th Anniversary Reception, 1954
Chairman, Fabian Society 1958-59

Rt. Hon. Harold Wilson, M.P.
Autumn School lecturer, 1947, 1952
National Transportation School, 1952
Executive Committee, 1952-1955
Home Research Committee, 1952
Fabian Society Annual Report, 1954-55 (Chairman)
Speaker at International Bureau
Conference on German Rearmament, 1954
70th Anniversary Reception, 1954
Caucus-Labour Conference at Margate, 1955
Constituency Organisations’ Section NEC (LAB) 1955
Leader, Parliamentary Labour Party, 1963

Woodrow Wyatt, M.P.
International Bureau Conference, 1949
New Year Weekend School lecturer, 1951-52

Leonard Woolf
Personal Notes, 1935
Fabian International Bureau, 1943
Executive Committee Election, 1946
Retiring Executive Attendance Record, 1947
Current Publications, 1947
Meetings, 1949
Colonial Bureau Advisory Committee, 1952, 1954-55
International Bureau Advisory Committee, Chairman, 1952, 1954-55
Publicist, 1954

Rt. Hon. Kenneth Younger, M.P.
May School, 1946
Summer School lecturer, 1951-52
February Weekend School Director, 1952
Executive Committee, 1952-53
International Bureau Advisory
Committee, 1952,1954-55

Weekend School, 1953 (Director)
70th Anniversary Reception, 1954
Publicist, 1953-1956
Speaker International Bureau Conference
on German Rearmament, 1954
Essayist, 1955-56
Editor, Fabian International Review, 1955
Speaker at London Labour Party Conference Tea, 1955
Parilamentary Labour Party Committee, 1956

Konni Zilliacus
Meetings, 1942, 1949 (International Luncheon)
Executive Committee Elections, 1946
Summer School, 1949, 1952

[Copied from the Fabian Society Annual Report 1962-63]
The following are the results of the Annual Ballot certified to the General
Secretary by the Chief Scrutineer:
A. Wedgwood Benn T. Balogh
B. Abel-Smith W. T. Rodgers
P. Townsend P. Shore
R. H. S. Crossman H. J. Boyden
Mary Stewart John Hughes
H. D. Hughes R. Neild
C. A. R. Crosland Betty Vernon
A. Skeffington S. Hatch
J. Parker

Under Rule 9 of the Society’s Rules, the Executive Committee has co-opted
the following :five mem,bers: Jeremy Bray, M.P.; John Greve; John Vaizey;
Rex Winsbury; Richard Bone.

Honorary Officers

The Executive Committee elected the following to serve for 1962/1963:
Chairman, Mary Stewart; Vice Chairman, Brian Abel-Smith; Honorary
Secretary, John Parker, M.P.

Mary Stewart, who is Chairman of the East London Juvenile Court and co¥
author of two Fabian pamphlets, has been a member of the committee for
13 years. Brian Abel-Smith has served continuously since 1955, and John
Parker has been Honorary Secretary since 1954. John Diamond, M.P., was
returned unopposed as Honorary Treasurer for the thirteenth time in the
Annual Ballot.


This list appeared in the November-December, 1964 issue of Fabian News,
With the following notation:

* A member of the Cabinet.
t A member of the National Fabian Society.

Agriculture, Fisheries and Food-Minister: *t Frederick Peart.
Joint Parliamentary Secretaries: James J. Hoy, t John Mackie.

Aviation-Minister: t Roy Jenkins.
Parliamentary Secretary: t John Stonehouse.
Ministers of State: George Darling, t E. C. Redhead, Roy Mason.
Parliamentary Secretary: t Lord Rhodes

Colonies-Secretary of State: *t Anthony Greenwood.
Under-Secretaries of State: t Lord Taylor, t Eirene White.

Commonwealth Relations-Secretary of State: *t A. G. Bottmley.
Minister of State: Cledwyn Hughes.
Under-Secretary of State: t Lord Taylor.

Defense-Secretary of State: *t Denis Healey
Deputy Secretary of State and Minister of Defense for the Army:
t Frederick Mulley
Mini9ster of Defense for the Royal Navy: t Christopher Mayhew.
Minister of Defense for the Royal Air Force: Lord Shacleton.
Under-Secretary of State for Defense for the Royal Navy:
t J. P. W. Mallalieu.
Under Secretary of State for Defense for the Army: G. W. Reynolds.
Under-Secretary of State for Defense for the Royal Air Force:
t Bruce Millan.

Duchy of Lancaster-Chancellor: *t Douglas Houghton.

Economic Affairs-Minister *t George Brown.
Joint Under-Secretaries of State: t Maurice Foley, t W. T. Rodgers.

Education and Science-Secretary of State: *t Michael Stewart.
Ministers of State: t Lord Bowden. t R. E. Prentice.
Joint Under-Secretaries of State: t James Boyden, Denis Howell.

Foreign Affairs-Secretary of State: *t Patrick Gordon Walker.
Ministers of State: Lord Caradon, Alun Gwynne-Jones, t G. M. Thomson,
W. E. Padley.
Under-Secretary of State: t Lord Walston.

Healty-Minister: t Kenneth Robinson.
Parliamentary Secretary: t Sir Barnett Stross.

Home Department-Secretary of State: * Sir Frank Soskice.
Minister of STate: Alice Bacon.
Joint Under-Secretaries of State: Lord STonham, George Thomas.

Housing and Local Government-Minister: *t R. H. S. Crossman.
Joint Parliamentary Secretaries: t James MacColl, t R. J. Mellish.

Labour-Minister: *t Ray Gunter.
Joint Parliamentary Secretaries: t Richard Marsh, Ernest Thornton.

Land and Natural Resources-Minister: t Frederick Willey.
Joint Parliamentary Secretaries: t Lord Mitchison, t Arthur Skeffington.

Law Officers-Attorney-General: t Elwyn Jones.
Lord Advocate: George Gordon Stott.
Solicitor-General: Dingle Foot.
Solicitor-General for Scotland: James Graham Leechman.
Lord Chancellor: * Lord Gardiner.
Lord President of the Council: * Herbert Bowden.
Lord Privy Seal: *t Earl of Longford.
Ministers without Portfolio: t Eric Fletcher, Lord Champion.

Overseas Development-Minister: *t Barbara Castle.
Parliamentary Secretary: t A. E. Oram.
Paymaster-General: George Wigg.

Pensions and National Insurance-Minister: t Margaret Herbison.
Joint Parliamentary Secretaries: t Harold Davies, Norman Pentland.

Post Office-Postmaster-General: t Anthony Wedgwood Benn.
Assistant Postmaster-General: Joseph Slater.

Power-Minister: *t Frederick Lee.
Parliamentary Secretary: John Morris.

Public Building and Works-Minister: t Charles Pannell.
Parliamentary Secretary: Jennie Lee.

Scotland-Secretary of State: * William Ross.
Minister of State: E. G. Willis.
Under-Secretaries of State: Judith Hart, Lord Hughes, J. Dickson Mabon.

Technology-Minister: * Frank Cousins.
Parliamentary Secretary: Lord Snow.

Trade, Board of-President: *t Douglas Jay.

Transport-Minister: *t Thomas Fraser.
Joint Parliamentary Secretaries: t Lord Lindgren, t Stephen Swingler.

Treasury-Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury: ~t Harold Wilson.
Chancellor of the Exchequer: *t James Callaghan
Chief Secretary: t John Diamond. .
Parliamentary Secretary: Edward Short.
Economic Secretary: t Anthony Crosland.
Financial Secretary: t Niall MacDermot.
Lords Commissioners: G. H. R. Rogers, George Lawson, John McCann,
t Ivor Davies, t Harriet Slater.

Wales-Secretary of State: *t James Griffiths.
Minister of State: Goronwy Roberts.
Under-Secretary of State: Harold Finch.

Her Majesty’s Household-Treasurer: Sydney Irving.
Comptroller: Charles Grey
Vice-Chamberlain: William Whitlock.
Captain of the Honorable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms: Lord Shepherd.
Lord in Waiting: Lord Hobson.

Certain names, long identified with the Fabian Society, were not specifically
noted as members-as, for instance, Lord Gardiner, fonnerly on the Fabian
Executive; or Jennie Lee, widow of Harold Wilson’s fonner chief, Aneurin
Bevan. Similarly, Alice Bacon-not starred on the above list-was named
in Fabian News, September, 1957, as a member of the Leeds local of the
Fabian Society. Under the heading, “The General Election,” the same issue
November-December, 1964 of Fabian News {pp. 2-3} also contained the
following comments, which can be regarded as official:


The Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, was Chairman of the Society in 1954-55
and for many years a member of the Executive Committee. The Minister of
Housing, Dick Crossman, joint editor of New Fabian Essays, only retired from
the Executive Committee last year after many years service. Lord Gardiner,
Patrick Gordon Walker, James Griffiths, Douglas Houghton, Lord Longford and
Michael Stewart are all former members of the Executive Committee. Denis
Healey was chairman of the International Bureau, Arthur Bottomley sat on the
Commonwealth Subcommittee, James Callaghan on the Home Research Committee,
and Barbara Castle, the Minister for Overseas Development, has been
actively associated with the Society’s Commonwealth research.

Other Ministers

Outside the cabinet, Roy Jenkins, the Minister for Aviation, was Chairman of
the Society 1957-1958. Anthony Wedgwood Benn, the Postmaster-General, is the
Society’s new Vice Chairman and is Chainnan of the International and Common¥
wealth Bureau, Anthony Crosland the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, was
Chairman in 1961-62. Other active Fabians are George Thomson, Chairman of
Venture Editorial Board, who has now become Minister of State at the Foreign
Office, and Christopher Mayhew, who is an ex-employee.

Junior Appointments

Nearly half the remaining more junior appointments have also gone to members
of the Society. Among them, Eirene White, Chairman 1958-59, becomes
Parliamentary Secretary at the Colonial Office; H. J. Boyden, one of the hardest
working members of the Executive and Vice-Chairman of Local Societies Committee,
becomes Joint Parliamentary Secretary of State for Education and Science.
Dick Mitchison, who recently went to the House of Lords, becomes Parliamentary
Secretary, Ministry of Land and Natural Resources. He was Treasurer of the New
Fabian Research Bureau for six years. John Mackie and Lord Walston, who
once wrote a Fabian pamphlet on agriculture together, receive appointments in
the Ministry of Agriculture and the Foreign Office respectively.

Fabians will have been particularly pleased to hear about the appointments of
Bill Rodgers, John Diamond and Arthur Skeffington, who have been so long
associated with the work of the Society as General Secretary, Honorary Treasurer,
and Chairman of the Local Societies Committee respectively. Bill Rodgers and
another Fabian, Maurice Foley, become Joint Parliamentary Under-Secretaries
in the Department of Economic Affairs. John Diamond becomes Chief Secretary
at the Treasury, and Arthur Skeffington becomes Parliamentary Secretary, Ministry
of Land and Natural Resources. Richard Marsh, who joined the Executive Committee
last year, becomes a Parliamentary Secretary at the Ministry of Labour.

The following boxed item in the same historic issue of Fabian News may
also be pertinent:


The Executive Committee, at its meeting on November 3rd, received with
regret the resignations from the Committee of Thomas Balogh and Robert Neild,
consequent upon their appointments as Economic Advisers to the Cabinet Office
and the Treasury respectively.

Thomas Balogh also resigned his position as Vice-Chairman of the Society.
Anthony Wedgwood Benn was appointed Vice-Chairman to succeed him.


(from FABIAN NEWS, Vol. 77, Nos. 4/5 April/May 1966)

Agriculture, Fisheries and Food-Minister: *t Frederick Peart.
Joint Parliamentary Secretaries-James H. Hoy. t John Mackie.

Aviation-Minister: t Fred Mulley.
Parliamentary Secretary- Julian Snow.

Colonies-Secretary of State; *t Fred Lee.
Under-Secretaries of State- t Lord Beswick, t John Stonehouse.

Commonwealth Relations-Secretary of State: *t A. G. Bottomley.
Minister of State- Judith Hart.
Under-Secretary of State- t Lord Beswick.

Defence-Secretary of State: *t Denis Healey.
Minister of Defence for the Army- Gerry Reynolds.
Minister of Defence for the Royal Navy- t J. P. W. Mallalieu.
Minister of Defence for the Royal Air Force- Lord Shackleton.
Under-Secretary of State for Defence for the Royal Navy- t Lord Winter-bottom.
Under-Secretary of State for Defence for the Army- t David Ennals.
Under-Secretary of State for Defence for the Royal Air Force- t Merlyn Rees.

Duchy of Lancaster-Chancellor: t George Thomson.

Economic Affairs-Minister: *t George Brown.
Minister of State: t Austen Albu.
Under-Secretary of State: t W. T. Rodgers.

Education and Science-Secretary of State: *t Anthony Crosland.
Ministers of State- t Edward Redhead. t Goronwy Roberts.
Joint Under-Secretaries of State- Denis Howell, Jennie Lee.

Foreign Affairs-Secretary of State: *t Michael Stewart.
Ministers of State- t Lord Caradon, Lord Chalfont, t Eirene White, W. E. Padley.
Under-Secretary of State- t Lord Walston.

Health-Minister: t Kenneth Robinson.
Parliamentary Secretary- Charles Loughlin.

Home Department- Secretary of State- *t Roy Jenkins.
Minister of State- Alice Bacon.
Joint Under-Secretaries of State- t Lord Stonham, f Maurice Foley, t Dick Taverne.

Housing and Local Government-Minister: *t R. H. S. Crossman.
joint Parliamentary Secretaries- t James MacColl, t R. J. Mellish.

Labour-Minister: *t Ray Gunter.
Parliamentary Secretary- t Shirley Williams.

Land and Natural Resources-Minister: t Frederick Willey.
Parliamentary Secretary- t Arthur Skeffington.

Law Officers-Attorney General: t Elwyn Jones.
Lord Advocate- George Gordon Scott.
Solicitor-General- Dingle Foot.
Solicitor-General for Scotland- H. S. Wilson.

Lord Chancellor- * Lord Gardiner.

Lord President of the Council- * Herbert Bowden.

Lord Privy Seal- *t Earl of Longford.

Ministers without Portfolio- *t Douglas Houghton. t Lord Champion.

Overseas Development-Minister: *t Anthony Greenwood.
Parliamentary Secretary- t A. E. Oram.

Paymaster-General- George Wigg.

Pensions and National Insurance-Minister: t Margaret Herbison.
Joint Parliamentary Secretaries- t Harold Davies, Norman Pentland.

Post Office-Postmaster-General: t Anthony Wedgwood Benn.
Assistant Postmaster-General- Joseph Slater.

Power-Minister: *t Richard Marsh.
Parliamentary Secretary- t Jeremy Bray.

Public Building and Works-Minister: t Reginald Prentice.
Parliamentary Secretary- t H. J. Boyden.

Scotland-Secretary of State: * William Ross.
Minister of State- E. G. Willis.
Under-Secretaries of State- Lord Hughes, t Bruce Millan, J. Dickson Mabon.

Technology-Minister: * Frank Cousins.
Joint Pariliamentary Secretaries- t Edmund Dell, t Peter Shore.

Trade, Board of-President: *t Douglas Jay.
Ministers of State-George Darling, t Lord Brown, Roy Mason.
Parliamentary Secretary- t Lord Rhodes.

Transport-Minister: *t Barbara Castle.
Joint Parliamentary Secretaries- t Stephen Swingler, John Morris.

Treasury-Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury: *t Harold Wilson.
Chancellor of the Exchequer- *t James Callaghan.
Chief Secretary- t John Diamond.
Parliamentary Secretary- Edward Short.
Financial Secretary- t Niall MacDermot.
Lords Commissioners- t Alan Fitch, J. Harper, W. Howie, George Lawson, William Whitlock.
Assistant Whips- Edward Bishop, Ronald Brown, H. Gourlay, Walter Harrison, Neil McBride, Charles Morris, Brian O’Malley

Wales-Secretary of State: * Cledwyn Hughes.
Minister of State- t George Thomas.
Under-Secretary of State- t Ifor Davies.

Her Majesty’s Household-Treasurer: John Silkin.
Comptroller: Charles Grey.
Vice-Chamberlain- John McCann.
Captain of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms- t Lord Shepherd.
Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard- t Lord Bowles.
Lords in Waiting- Lord Hilton, t Lord Sorensen.
Baroness in Waiting: Lady Phillips.

NOTES: * A member of the Cabinet.
t A member of the Fabian Society.


(This list appeared in the Congressional Record of October 12, 1962,
originally prepared by Mina Weisenberg for the 50th Anniversary of the LID)

* further abbreviations added

Some Leaders of College Chapters:

Walter R. Agard, Pres., Amherst ISS, 1914-15; Prof. of Classics, U. of Wisc.;
Pres., American Classical League.
James W. Alexander, former Pres., Princeton ISS; Exec. Com. and Treas.,
ISS, 1920-21; noted mathematician.
Devere Allen, former Pres., Oberlin ISS; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1939-1944; Dir.
and Ed., Worldover Press.
Harold Arnold, Wesleyan ISS; late Director of Research, Bell Telephone
Laboratories (dec.).
Gregory Bardacke, former student leader, Syracuse U. LID; Bd. of Dir.,
LID 1955; Director, American Trade Union Comm. for Histadrut.
Murray Baron, Member, Brooklyn Law School SLID; Bd. of Dir., LID,
1940; Public Relations Consultant; Ch., Manhattan Liberal Party.
Thomas S. Behre, Sec., Harvard ISS; New Orleans businessman, active in
liberal movements (dec.).
Daniel Bell, member SLID; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1948; Labor Ed.,
Fortune Magazine; author; economist.
John K. Benedict, member Union Theological Seminary SLID; formerly
Field Sec., LID.
Walter Bergman, formerly of Michigan ISS; Dir. of Research, Detroit Public
Otto S. Beyer, former Pres., U. of Illinois ISS; 1917; labor arbitrator and
consultant; former Ch., National Mediation Bd., (dec.).
Andrew J. Biemiller, former Sec., U. of Pa. and Philadelphia Chaps. LID,
1928-1932; Congressman, 1944-1956; Legislative Comm., AFL.
Carroll Binder, Pres., 1916, Harvard ISS; Editorial Ed. Minneapolis
George H. Bishop, officer U. of Michigan ISS, 1911; faculty, Washington U.
(St. Louis).

Hillman M. Bishop, former Pres., Columbia SLID; Assoc. Prof. of Government, C.C.N.Y.
Julius S. Bixler, former Sec., Amherst ISS; Pres., Colby College.
Bruce Bliven, Pres., Stanford ISS, 1910-1912; Editorial Dir., New Republic.
Hyman H. Bookbinder, former student leader, SLID; former N.Y. Exec.
Com., LID; political researcher, CIO.
Randolph Bourne, former Columbia ISS; essayist (dec.).
Leroy E. Bowman, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1940; Field Sec., 1940-41; Assoc.
Prof. of Sociology, Brooklyn College.
Robert A. Brady, former U. of California SLID; economist.
Jerome Breslaw, N.Y.U. Chap., SLID; Ch., SLID 1954-55.
Paul F. Brissenden, U. of California ISS; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1923; Prof. of
Economies, Columbia U.
Thomas Brooks, Harvard SLID; research staff, T.W.U.A.
Heywood Broun, a founder, Harvard Socialist Club, 1906; Bd. of Dir., LID,
1933-34; columnist; author (dec.).
George Cadbury, U. of Pa. SLID; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1953; economic
Maurice S. Calman, organizer of ISS Chap., N.Y. School of Dentistry (1911)
and N.Y.U. School of Law; former Socialist Alderman, N.Y.C.; past Pres.,
Harlem Dental Society.
Wallace J. Campbell, former Pres. U. of Oregon SLID; Bd. of Dir., LID,
1940, 1945-1948; National Council since 1948; Washington Representative, Cooperative League of U.S.A.
Jesse Cavileer, former Pres., Syracuse U. SLID; student Sec., SLID; Bd. of
Dir., 1947-1949; National Council LID, 1949; Unitarian Minister,
Cleveland, Ohio.
Alice Cheyney, formerly Pres. Vassar ISS; labor economist.
E. Ralph Cheyney, Pres., U. of Pa. ISS; poet (dec.).
Evans Clark, Pres., Amherst ISS, 1910; Pres. and Vice Pres., ISS and LID,
1918-1923; Dir., Twentieth Century Fund, 1928-1953; editorial writer.
Everett R. Clinchy, member, Wesleyan SLID; Pres., National Council of
Christians and Jews.
Ramon P. Coffman, formerly Yale SLID; founder of Uncle Ray Syndicate.
Felix S. Cohen, Pres., C.C.N.Y. LID, 1925-26; former Asst. Solicitor Dept.
of Interior, in charge of Indian Affairs; author; teacher; lawyer (dec.).
lecturer in Philosophy of Law, Yale, C.C.N.Y.; recipient of LID John
Dewey Award, posthumous, 1954.
Cara Cook, Mt. Holyoke SLID; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1950; Exec. Sec.,
N.Y. Ethical Culture Society.
Elmer Cope, Ohio Wesleyan SLID; labor economist.
Babette Deutsch, member, Barnard ISS, 1917; poet.
Leonard W. Doob, member, Dartmouth College SLID; Prof. of Psychology,
Paul, H. Douglas, Pres., Columbia ISS, 1915; Exec. Com. ISS, 1915-16;
economist; U.S. Senator.
Evelyn Dubrow, formerly N.J. College for Women SLID; Sec., N.Y. ADA.
Tilford Dudley, Wesleyan SLID; Asst. to Pres., PAC-CIO.

Ethan E. Edloff, formerly U. of Michigan ISS and Detroit LID; educator.
George Edwards, formerly Pres., Harvard SLID; former Field Sec., SLID;
Judge of Court of Domestic Relations, Detroit.
Gustav Egloff, Pres., Cornell ISS, 1910-1912; leading American chemist.
Samuel A. Eliot, Jr., former Harvard ISS, 1912; Prof. of English, Smith
Herbert L. Elvin, Yale SLID; Dir., Dept. of Education, UNESCO.
Boris Emmet, officer, U. of Wisconsin ISS, 1911; labor statistician.
Abraham Epstein, former Pres. U. of Pittsburgh ISS; bd. of Dir., LID, 1940-
41; founder and former Sec., American Assoc. for Social Security; authority
on Social Insurance (dec.).
Harold U. Faulkner, Wesleyan ISS, 1913; National Council, LID; Prof. of
History, Smith College; authority on Economic History.
William M. Feigenbaum, founder, 1906, of Columbia U. ISS; newspaperman (dec.).
Samuel H. Fine, active in N.Y.U. SLID; former Ch., SLID; Bd. of Dir.,
1952-1954; accountant, ILGWU.
Osmond Fraenkel, Pres. Columbia ISS 1910; N.Y. attorney; Counsil, ACLU.
Anna Caples Frank, Vassar SLID; former Membership Sec., LID; public
relations counselor.
Isabelle B. Friedman, Hunter College ISS; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1951;
Pres. N.Y. Chapter, 1954-55; representative of LID at N.G.O. of UN.
Samuel H. Friedman, formerly leader C.C.N.Y. ISS Chap.; former Pres.,
N.Y. Chap., LID; Bd. of Dir., LID 1953; Pres., Community and
Social Agency Employees Union; Socialist leader.
Roland Gibson, formerly with Dartmouth College SLID; formerly, Bd. of
Dir., LID; Political Scientist, U. of Illinois.
Louis Gollumb, leader C.C.N.Y. ISS, 1912; writer.
William Gomberg, C.C.N.Y. SLID Chap.; Dir., Management Engineering
John Temple Graves, officer, Princeton ISS, 1911; author, columnist,
William Haber, U. of Wisconsin SLID; Prof. of Economics, U. of Michigan.
Robert Halpern, Pres. C.C.N.Y. Chap., LID; N.Y. attorney.
Elizabeth Healey, formerly Connecticut College; student Sec., SLID, 1947;
social worker.
James Henle, Vice Pres., Columbia ISS; Vanguard Press, 1928-1952.
John Herling, formerly Harvard SLID; formerly active in Emergency Com.
for Strikers Relief and in LID radio activities; ed., John Herling’s Labor
Sidney Hertzberg, Wisconsin SLID; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1945; writer;
foreign correspondent.
Rene E. Hoguet, former Harvard Chap. ISS; former Pres., N.Y. Chap.;
Arthur N. Holcombe, Harvard Chap., ISS, 1906; Prof. of Government,
Harvard; Pres., American Political Science Assoc., 1936.

Carroll Hollister, Amherst College, SLID; pianist.
Sidney Hook, Pres., C.C.N.Y. Chap., SLID, 1922-23; receiver, LID John
Dewey Award, 1953; Ch., Dept. of Philosophy, N.Y.U.; author.
Harold Hutcheson, Yale SLID; Prof. of English, Lake Forest College.
Eugenia Ingerman, See., Barnard ISS, 1910; physician.
Morris Iushewitz, Milwaukee State Teachers College SLID; Bd. of Dir.,
LID, 1951; Sec.-Treas., N.Y. City CIO Industrial Council.
Nicholas Kelley, charter member, Harvard ISS; Bd. of Dir., LID,
1912-1933; Vice Pres. and General Counsel, Chrysler Corp.
Murray Kempton, member LID Summer School, 1938; Bd. of Dir. and
National Council, LID since 1951; columnist.
Freda Kirchwey. Sec. and Pres., Barnard ISS, 1912-1915; former Bd. of Dir.,
LID; pub., The Nation.
William Klare, officer U. of Michigan ISS, 1911; former Vice Pres. Statler
Maynard Krueger. U of Pa. and Philadelphia Chap., LID 1928-1932; Prof.
of Economics, U. of Chicago.
William Sargent Ladd, Amherst ISS; former Dean, Cornell Medical (dec.).
Harry W. Laidler, Founder, 1905, Wesleyan ISS; Bd. of Dir. of LID since
1905; Exec. Officer ISS-LID since 1910; author, economist, lecturer.
Joseph P. Lash, former Sec. SLID; UN Correspondent, New York Post.
John V. P. Lassoe, Jr., Yale SLID; Dir. of Adult Education, A.A.U.N.
William L. Leiserson, Pres. U. of Wisconsin ISS, 1907-08; Economist,
former Ch. National Mediation Bd.
Daniel Lerner, formerly N.Y.U. SLID; author; authority on Psychology of
Max Lerner, Brookings Institution SLID at Washington U. (St. Louis);
columnist; teacher; writer.
Aaron Levenstein, member, SLID; National Council, LID; Research
Institute of America; author.
Grace Mendelsohn Levy, former Brooklyn College SLID and Sec., SLID;
Staff, N. Y. C. Housing Authority.
Harold J. Lewack, officer, N.Y.U. LID; National Pres., SLID, 1954; labor
John L. Lewine, Yale SLID; Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap; teacher; Sec., Ameri¥
can Institute of France.
John F. Lewis, Jr., formerly U. of Pa. ISS; Philadelphia lawyer and civic
Marx Lewis, N.Y.U.-SLID; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1945; Sec.-Treas., United
Hat, Cap and Millinery Workers Union.
Walter Lippmann, Pres., Harvard Socialist Club, 1909-10; Exec. Com., ISS,
1911-12; columnist; author.
Karl N. Llewellyn, formerly Yale SLID; Prof. of Law, U. of Chicago; author.
Charlotte Tuttle Lloyd, former Pres., Vassar SLID; former attorney, Dept.
of Interior.
Roger S. Loomis, formerly U. of Illinois ISS; Prof. of English Literature,
Columbia U.

Jay Lovestone, Pres. C.C.N.Y. ISS; Dir., International Relations, ILGWU.
Isadore Lubin, former Pres., Clark and U. of Missouri ISS; labor statistician;
Industrial Commissioner, N.Y. State.
Jerome Lubin, Brooklyn College SLID; former Ch., SLID; City Planner.
Charles Luckman, Sec., Kansas City Junior College SLID; former Pres.,
Lever Brothers; architect.
Ralph McCallister, member SLID; Dir., Program and Education, Chautauqua.
Arthur McDowell, U. of Pittsburgh; Staff, Upholsterers International Union
of N.A.
Kenneth MacGowan, Pres., Harvard ISS, 1910-11; Prof. of Theater Arts,
U.C.L.A.; dramatic critic; movie producer.
Charles A. Madison, Pres., U. of Michigan ISS; pub.; author.
Anita Marburg, Vassar ISS; educator.
Otto C. Marckwardt, adviser, V. of Michigan ISS, for many years; English
Dept. U. of Michigan.
Will Maslow, active in SLID; Dir., Commission on Law and Social Action,
American Jewish Congress.
Daniel Mebane, former Pres. V. of Indiana ISS; former Treas. and Pub.,
New Republic.
Kenneth Meiklejohn, former Swarthmore SLID; specialist in Labor Law.
Inez Milholland, Pres. Vassar ISS; lawyer (dec.) .
Spencer Miller, Jr., Amherst ISS; former Sec., Workers Education Bureau
and Asst. Sec. of Labor.
Hiram K. Moderwell, Sec. Harvard ISS, 1911; foreign correspondent;
dramatic critic (dec.).
Emanuel Muravchik, member, SLID; Bd. of Dir., LID; Field Sec., Jewish
Labor Com.
Margaret J. Naumberg, Pres. Barnard ISS, 1910; educator.
Leland Olds, formerly Amherst ISS; receiver of John Dewey Award, LID,
1953; former Ch., Federal Power Commission.
Samuel Orr, N.Y.U. ISS; Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., 1954; former Judge;
labor lawyer.
Gus Papenek, formerly Cornell SLID; Ch., SLID, 1952; Agricultural
Consultant, Pakistan.
Talcott Parsons, Sec., Amherst SLID, 1923-24; Prof. of Sociology, Harvard;
Selig Perlman, U. of Wisconsin ISS, 1909-10; Prof. of Economics, U. of
Wisconsin; author.
Irving Phillips, formerly Harvard SLID; former Field Sec., SLID; Staff,
Richard Poethig, formerly Wooster SLID; former Sec., SLID; minister.
Justine Wise Polier, formerly Barnard SLID; Justice, Court of Domestic
Relations, N.Y.C.
Paul R. Porter, formerly Kansas U. SLID; fanner Field Sec., LID; former
Deputy Administrator, E.C.A., Europe; Pres., Porter International Corp.
Dorothy Psathas, Connecticut College SLID; Sec., SLID, 1951-5á2; public

Carl Raushenbush, Amherst, former Bd. of Dir., LID, National Council;
labor consultant.
H. Stephen Raushenbush, Amherst ISS, 1916-17; Sec., LID; Com. on Coal
and Power, 1926-1929; anthor; researcher, Public Affairs Institute.
Paul Raushenbush, former Amherst ISS; economist.
Victor G. Reuther. former Wayne U. SLID; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1950;
Asst. to Pres., CIO.
Walter P. Reuther, Founder and Pres., Wayne U. SLID, 1932; receiver of
League’s John Dewey Award, 1950; Pres., CIO; Pres., UAW-CIO.
John P. Roche, formerly Cornell SLID; Vice Pres., SLID; Bd. of Dir., 1948;
Assoc. of Government, Haverford College.
Will Rogers, Jr., formerly Stanford U. SLID, 1934-35; ed., actor.
Lawrence Rogin, formerly Columbia U. SLID; Educational Dir., T.W.U.A.
Leonore Cohen Rosenfeld, formerly Mt. Holyoke College SLID; housewife.
Henry Rosner, formerly C.C.N.Y. SLID; Dir., Div. of Finance and Statistics,
Welfare Dept., N. Y. C.
Harry Rubin, N.Y.U. SLID; Bd. of Dir., 1948-1952.
Morris H. Rubin, Wisconsin U. SLID; Ed., Progressive Magazine.
Raymond Rubinow, U. of Pa. SLID; consultant on International Relations.
David J. Saposs, Pres.-Sec., Wisconsin U. ISS, 1910; labor economist;
Emil Schlesinger, former Pres. C.C.N.Y. SLID; labor attorney.
Lawrence Seelye, Amherst ISS; former Pres., St. Lawrence U.
Clarence Senior, U. of Kansas SLID; Bd. of Dir., LID; receiver of John
Dewey Award, 1953; sociologist; authority on Latin America.
Andre Shifrin, Yale Chap., 1954-55; Exec. Com., SLID.
William Shirer, formerly Sec., Coe College SLID; author; correspondent.
David Sinclair, Wisconsin U. SLID; formerly N.Y. Exec. Com.; physicist.
Albert J. Smallheiser, former Sec. Columbia ISS, 1911-12; Social Science
teacher and active spirit in N.Y. Teachers Guild.
Tucker Smith, N.Y.U. ISS; economist.
Boris Stem, U. of Wisconsin ISS; Staff, U.S. Dept. of Labor.
Irving Stone, formerly officer, U. of So. Cal., SLID; novelist.
Monroe Sweetland, formerly Syracuse U. SLID; former Field Sec., SLID;
National Council; Ed., Oregon Democrat.
Ordway Tead, Pres., Amherst ISS; 1911-12; Research Dir., LID, 1914-15;
teacher; pub.; author; former Ch., Bd. of Higher Education, N.Y.C.
Lazar Teper, Johns Hopkins SLID; Research Dir., ILGWU.
Frank Trager, Johns Hopkins U. SLID; Bd. of DIr., LID, 1951; former
Dir., M. S. A., Burma; Prof. of Research, N.Y.U.
Gus Tyler, C.C.N.Y.-SLID; Political Dir., ILGWU.
Jerry Voorhis, formerly Yale SLID; Sec., Cooperative League of U.S.A.
Selman A. Waksman, Sec. Rutgers U. Chap., 1914-15; receiver of John
Dewey Award, LID, 1953; co-discoverer of Streptomycin.
James Wechsler, Columbia SLID; Ed., New York Post.
Mina Weisenberg, Hunter College ISS; Bd. of Dir., 1954-55; Sec., N.Y.
Chap. LID; Treas., N.Y. Teachers Guild, AFL; teacher of Social Studies.
Ray B. Westerfeld, Sec., Yale ISS; economist; banker.

Nathaniel Weyl, Columbia SLID; writer; economist.
Alvin G. Whitney, Pres., Yale ISS, 1910-11; publicist.
Elsie Gibson Whitney, Middlebury College ISS, 1914; publicist.
Simon W. Whitney, formerly Yale SLID; economist.
Paul Willen, founder Oberlin College SLID; writer.
Chester Williams, U.C.L.A.-SLID; writer; lecturer on International Relations.
David Williams, pres., Marietta college ISS, 1909-10; Unitarian minister.
Frank Winn, formerly U. of Michigan SLID; Ed., U.A.W.-C.I.O Magazine.
Theresa Wolfson, former President Adelphi College ISS; Bd. of Dir., LID,
1944; receiver of LID John Dewey Award, 1945; Prof. of Economics,
Brooklyn College; author.
James Youngdahl, Washington U. SLID; Field Sec., SLID Southwestern
Organizer, A.C.-W.A.
Milton Zatinsky, former member SLID; labor economist.
Gertrude Folks Zimand, Pres., Vassar ISS, 1917; Sec., National Child Labor Com.

A Few Past and Present Cooperators:
Leonard D. Abbott, signer of call to ISS; ed., writer (dec.).
Charles Abrams, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1954-55; housing expert; N.Y. State
Administrator of Rent Control, 1955.
Luigi Antonini, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1951; First Vice Pres., ILGWU.
Jesse Ashley, Exec. Com., ISS, 1912-13; 1917-18; N.Y. attorney; prof. of
Law; feminist (dec.).
George E. Axtelle, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1954-1955; Prof of Education, N.Y.U.
Fern Babcock, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1946-1955; Program Coordinator, National
Council, Y.W.C.A.
George Backer, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1953; businessman; Ed.; former Pres., ORT.
Hope S. Bagger, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., LID; author.
Emily G. Balch, Exec. Com., ISS 1919-20; winner of Nobel Peace Prize (1946).
Roger Baldwin, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1920-1923; Dir., ACLU 1917-1952; Ch.
of Bd., International League for the Rights of Man.
Angela Bambace, National Council, LID; Staff, Baltimore ILGWU.
Jack Barbash, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1947-1952; National Council since 1952;
labor economist; author of “Taft-Hartley Act in Action.”
Benjamin W. Barkas, Former Ch., Philadephia Chap., LID; labor educator.
Solomon Barkin, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1953; Dir. of Research, T.W.U.A.
Katrina McCormick Barnes, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1953; Pamphlet Sec.
since 1953; Sec. ACLU.
John Bauer, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1938-1942; economist; writer; authority on
Public Utilities; author, “America’s Struggle for Electric Power.”
Charles A. Beard, faculty sponsor ISS; historian.
Helen Marston Beardsley, National Council, LID; housewife; active in
peace movements.

Arnold Beichman, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1950-1954; National Council since
1954; Press Representative, International Confederation of Free Trade
Robert Bendiner, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1948-1952; writer.
Nelson Bengston, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1948; investment counselor.
John C Bennett, Vice Pres., LID, 1954; Dean, Union Theological
Seminary; author.
Victor L. Berger, guest of honor at League’s Carnegie HaIl Meeting, 1911;
Congressman; Socialist leader (dec.).
Jacob Billikoff, former National Council, LID; labor arbitrator (dec.).
Alfred M. Bingham. cooperator, LID; writer; Legislator.
Frederick C. Bird, former Sec., LID Com. on Coal and Power; Dir., Dept.
of Municipal Research, Dunn and Bradstreet.
Helen Blankenhorn, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1923-24; writer.
Brand Blanshard, National Council, LID; Prof. of Philosophy, Yale.
Paul Blanshard, Field Sec. and lecturer, LID, 1923-1933; Commissioner of
Investigation, N.Y.C., 1933-37; writer; lecturer.
Harriet Stanton Blatch, former Exec. Com., ISS; suffrage leader.
Anita C. Block, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1923-1933; lecturer, dramatic critic.
Frank Bohn, frequent lecturer for LID; writer; lecturer.
William E. Bohn, formerly active in U. of Michigan ISS; formerly Staff,
Socialist Review, Ed., New Leader.
Karl Borders, former Sec., Chicago Chap., LID; former Chief Administrator,
UN international Children’s Fund (dec.).
Louis B. Boudin Exec. Com. ISS, 1917-1921; attorney; authority on Socialism
and Labor and Constitutional Problems (dec.).
Bjarne Braatoy, Pres., LID~ 1940-1944; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1940-1948;
National Council since 1948; author; teacher, technical consultant, German
Social Democratic Party.
Phillips Bradley, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1940; Prof. of Government, Syracuse U.
Rae Brandstein, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., LID, since 1954; Exec. Sec.,
National Com. for Rural Schools.
May Vladeck Bromberg, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1940-1942; social service.
Robert W. Bruere, Exec. Com., ISS, 1908-1910; writer; labor mediator and
Rosemary Bull, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1954; publicist.
Ralph J. Bunche, receiver of LID Award, 1951; winner of Nobel Peace Prize.
Elizabeth B. Butler, Exec. Com., ISS, 1907-08; writer on labor (dec.).
James B. Carey, National Council, LID; Pres. IUE-CIO; Sec.Treas. CIO.
Jennie D. Carliph, former Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap,; active in work for Civil
J. Henry Carpenter, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1945-1954; former Exec. Sec.,
Brooklyn Div., Protestant Council (dec.).
Edmund B. Chaffee, former Bd. of Dir., LID; former Dir., Labor Temple,
N.Y. (dec.).

Oscar L. Chapman, receiver of LID Award, 1953; former U.S. Sec. of the Interior
Stuart Chase, Treas., LID in the twenties; lecturer; author of “Waste and
the Machine Age.”
John L. Childs, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1948; Prof. Emeritus of Philosophy
of Education, Teachers College, Columbia; author; former Ch., Liberal Party
Gordon R. Clapp, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1955; former Ch., TVA; Deputy
Administrator, N.Y.C.
Ethel Clyde, Bd. of Dir., LID during thirties; active in many social movements.
William F. Cochran, host of ISS at Summer Conference in 1916; former
member National Council (dec.).
Fannia M. Cohn, long member of ISS and LID; former N.Y. Exec. Com.,
LID; Sec., Education Dept., ILGWU.
M. J. Coldwell, Vice Pres., LID; member Canadian Parliament; leader of
C.C.P. of Canada.
McAlister Coleman, LID; lecturer; writer; labor ed.; author (dec.).
George Willis Cooke, Exec. Com., ISS, 1905-1908; minister; writer.
Albert Sprague Coolidge, Bd. of Dir., LID; Dept. of Chemistry, Harvard;
active in American Federation of Teachers and other organizations.
Jessica G. Cosgrave, Exec. Com., ISS, 1911-1913; Vice-Pres., 1911-12;
former Pres., Finch School (dec.).
George S. Counts, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1954; Prof. of Philosophy of
Education, Teachers College, Columbia; former Ch., Liberal Party; author.
Grace L. Coyle, National Council, LID; Prof., School of Applied Social
Sciences, Western Reserve University; Pres., National Conference of
Social Work 1940.
George F. Cranmore, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1944-1950; Asst. Regional Dir.,
UAW-CIO (dec.).
Frank R. Crosswaith, frequent League lecturer; Sec., Negro Labor Com.;
Member, N.Y.C. Housing Authority.
Max Danish, former Bd. of Dir., LID; former Ed., Justice.
Clarence Darrow, signer of Call for formation of League; labor and Civil
Liberties attorney (dec.).
Maurice P. Davidson, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1946-1954; National Council since
1954; N.Y. attorney; former commissioner, N.Y. State Power Authority.
Jerome Davis, former Bd. of Dir., LID, 1936-1941; author; lecturer; teacher.
Eugene V. Debs, frequent League lecturer; Socialist leader (dec.).
Jerome De Hunt, former Bd. of Dir., LID; trade union and labor political leader.
Solon De Leon, former Bd. of Dir., LID; economic researcher.
Max Delson, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1950; Ch., Finance Com., since 1952;
labor and Civil Liberties attorney.
Albert De Silver, Exec. Com., ISS and Bd. of Dir., LID, 1919-1934; Treas.,
1919-20; lawyer; former Dir., ACLU (dec.).
John Dewey, Pres., LID, 1939-40; Honorary Pres., 1940-1953; leading

American educator and philosopher; Prof. of Philosophy, Columbia Univ.
Samuel De Witt, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1945; businessman; poet; dramatist;
Frank C. Doan, Exec. Com., ISS, 1912-1914; Prof., Meadville Theological
Seminary; writer (dec.).
T. C. Douglas, receiver of Award, 1953; Premier of Saskatchewan, Canada.
David Dubinsky, receiver of LID Award, 1949; Pres., ILGWU.
Elizabeth Dutcher, Exec. Com., ISS, 1907-1914; social worker.
Kermit Eby, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1950-1954; National Council since 1954;
Assoc. Prof. of social Sciences, U. of Chicago.
Sherwood Eddy, frequent lecturer for LID; author; writer; religious leader.
John Lovejoy Elliott, former Bd. of Dir., LID; head of Hudson Guild;
leader N.Y. Ethical Culture Society (dec.).
Henrietta Epstein, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., 1954-55; Social Insurance
Morris ERnst, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1923-24; lawyer; writer; attorney, ACLU.
Samuel Eubanks, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1949-1954; National Council since
1954; former Vice-Pres., National Newspaper Guild.
James Farm, student Field Sec., SLID, since 1950; lecturer; writer.
James T. Farrell, National Council, LID; novelist.
Israel Feinberg, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1950-1954; former Manager, N.Y. Joint
Board, Cloakmakers’ Union (dec.).
Louis Fischer, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1950; writer; lecturer; author of “Life
of Gandhi.”
Harry F. Fleischman, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., since 1954; Dir., National
Labor Service, American Jewish Congress.
Louise Adams Floyd, Exec. Com., ISS’ and Pres., N.Y. Chap., 1919 to early
twenties (dec.).
Walter Frank, frequent host LID meetings; N.Y. attorney; leader in civic
and social movements.
Ephraim Frisch, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1945; Rabbi; former Ch., Commis¥
sion of Justice and Peace, Central Conference of Jewish Rabbis.
Walter G. Fuller, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1921-22; writer; ed. (dec.).
A. Garrick Fullerton, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., since 1954; economic re¥
Zona Gale, Vice Pres., LID, 1923-1925; novelist (dec.).
Lewis S Gannett, of Dir., LID, 1920-1924; Literary Ed., New York
Herald Tribune.
Benjamin Gebiner, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1950; Asst. Sec., Workmen’s
Martin Gerber, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1953; Dir., Region 9, UAW-CIO.
W. J. Ghent, Sec., ISS, 1907-1910; author; Ed.; educator.
Charlotte Perkins Gilman, signer of organization call, ISS; author; feminist.
Elisabeth Gilman, Pres., LID, 1940-41; Sec., Christian Social Justice Fund (dec.).
Arthur Gleason, Exec. Com., ISS and Bd. of Dir., LID, 1918-1923; Pres.,
ISS, 1920-21; Vice Pres., LID, 1921-1923; writer (dec.).

Louis P. Goldberg, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1945; National Ch., Social
Democratic Federation; N.Y. attorney.
Maurice Goldbloom, formerly N.Y. Exec. Com.; writer on international and
inter-cultural affairs.
Clara G. Goldman, National Council, LID; housewife; active in peace
J. King Gordon, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1945-1952; former Managing Ed., The
Nation; on staff of UN.
Elmer E. Graham, former Ch., Detroit Chap.; Staff, UAW-CIO.
Frances A. Grant, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., LID, since 1954; Sec., U.S.
Com. of Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom.
John H. Gray, National Council, LID; fonner Pres., American Economic
Assoc. (dec.).
Felix Grendon, former Exec. Com., ISS; Shavian authority; teacher.
Murray Gross, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1950; Asst. Manager, N.Y. Joint
Board, Dressmakers’ Union.
Charles Grossman, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1950; businessman; Ch., Reunion
of Old Timers.
Harold M. Groves, National Council, LID, Prof. of Economics, U. of Wisconsin.
Cameron P. Hall, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1947-1949; Exec. Sec., Dept. of
Church and Economic Life, National Council of Churches.
Meyer Halushka, Chicago Chap.; educator.
M. V. Halushka, Chicago Chap.; teacher.
Rose Laddon Hanna, fonner Exec. Sec., ISS; writer; lecturer.
Donald Harrington, National Council, LID; Minister, Community Church, N.Y.C.
A. J. Hayes, Vice Pres., LID since 1954; Pres., International Assoc. of
Ellen Hayes, Exec. Com., ISS, 1916-17; author; Prof. of Mathematics,
Wellesley College (dec.).
Paul R. Hayes, Bd. of Dir. and National Council, LID since 1951; Prof. of
Law, Columbia U.
Timothy Healy, Bd. of Dir., 1925; trade union leader.
Eduard Heimann, National Council, LID; Prof. of Economics, New School; author.
Adolph Held, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1945; Dir., Welfare and Health Benefits,
ILGWU; Ch., Jewish Labor Com.
Albert H. Herling, Bd. of Dir., LID, 195,2-53; Staff, City of Hope; author.
Mary Fox Herling, Exec. Sec., LID, 1929-1940; National Council since
1940; active in public and cooperative housing.
Hubert C. Herring, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1933-1938; Exec. Dir., Com. on
Cultural Relations with Latin America; author.
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, signer of organization call, 1905; author;
literary critic.
Morris Hillquit, Treas., ISS, 1908-1915; N.Y. labor attorney; Socialist leader;
author (dec.).
Mary W. Hillyer (Blanshard), Bd. of Dir., LID, 1940-1949; Dir., LID
Lecture Series in thirties; Staff, Planned Parenthood Assn.

Julius Hochman, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1936-1938; Manager, N.Y. Joint Board,
Dressmakers’ Union.
John Haynes Holmes, Vice Pres., LID since 1938; Minister Emeritus, N.Y.
Community Church.
Darlington Hoopes, LID cooperator; Socialist leader and former Legislator.
Bryn J. Hovde, Vice Pres., LID, 1948-1954; housing authority; former Pres.,
New School (dec.).
Don Howard, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1941-42; social worker; Dean, School of
Social Welfare, U. of California.
Frederick C. Howe, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1923-1925; author; social reformer (dec.).
Quincy Howe, Bd., of Dir., LID, 1939-1941; radio and television commentator;
writer; teacher.
Jessie Wallace Hughan, Exec. Com., ISS and Bd. of Dir., LID, 1907-1950;
Vice Pres., 1920-21; teacher; author; economist (dec.).
Hubert H. Humphrey, receiver of LID and Reunion of Old Timers 1948
Awards. (Not to be confused with the British Fabian Socialist, Hubert
Robert Hunter Exec. Com., ISS, 1905-1911; author; social worker (dec.).
Ales Irvine, former lecturer for ISS; author; minister; lecturer (dec.).
James Weldon Johnson, former Bd. of Dir., LID; author; poet; diplomat;
Sec., NAACP (dec.).
Mercer Green Johnston, National Council, LID; minister; social reformer.
John Paul Jones, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1945; former Pres., N.Y. Chap.;
Minister, Union Church, Brooklyn.
Paul Jones, former Bd. of Dir., LID; Bishop, Protestant Episcopal Church
Horace M. Kallen, Exec. Com., ISS, 1919-20; educator; philosopher; author.
Leonard S. Kandell, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1951; Pres., Digby Management Co.
Vladimir Karapetoff, Vice Pres., LID in twenties; Prof. of Engineering,
Cornell U.; musician; inventor (dec.).
Florcence Kelley, Exec. Com., ISS, 1911-1921; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1921-22;
Vice Pres., 1912-1918, 1921-1923; Pres., 1918-1920; Sec., National
Consumers League; author; social reformer (dec.).
W. H. Kelley, Exec. Com., ISS, 1907-08; social worker.
Edmond Kelly, Exec. Com., ISS, 1908-1910; lawyer; author; former Counsel
for American Embassy, Paris.
Paul Kennaday, Exec. Com., ISS, 1907-1918; Treas., 1907-08; writer; social
A. M. Kidd, National Council, LID; Prof. Emeritus of Economics, U. of
William H. Kilpatrick, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1953; Vice Pres. since 1954;
leading American educator.
Clifford Kirkpatrick, National Council, LID; Prof. of Sociology, U. of
George R. Kirkpatrick, organizer, ISS, 1908; author; lecturer (dec.).
Cornelius Kruse, National Council, LID; Prof. of Philosophy, Wesleyan U.
Alice Kuebler, Exec. Sec., ISS, 1919-1920 (dec.).

Winthrop D. Lane, Exec. Com., ISS, 1918-1931; writer.
Bruno Lasker, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1921-22; writer; sociologist.
Louis Lasker, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1948; leader in Public Housing
W. Jett Lauek, former Bd. of Dir., LID, labor economist (dec.).
Algernon Lee, Exec. Com., ISS, 1910-1916; Sec., 1910-11; late Pres., Rand
School; author (dec.).
Abraham Lefkowitz, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1945; Principal, Samuel Tilden
High School.
Herbert H Lehman, receiver of LID Award, 1950; U.S. Senator from N.Y.
William M. Leiserson, Columbia ISS; former Ch., National Mediation Bd.;
labor economist.
Alfred Baker Lewis Bd. of Dir., LID, 1940-1954; Ch. of Bd. 1945; Pres.,
Union Casualty Co.
Trygve Lie, receiver of LID Award, 1947; former Secretary-General, UN.
Henry R Linville, formerly Bd. of Dir., LID; teacher; former Pres., New
York Teachers Guild (dec.).
Ben E. Lippincott, National Council, LID; Prof. of Economics, U. of
Minnesota, author.
Jack London, Pres., ISS, 1905-1907; novelist (dec. ).
Cedric Long, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1923-1925,; active in Cooperative movement (dec.).
Harry Lopatin, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., LID; Managing Ed., Workmen’s
Circle Call; Staff, City of Hope.
Lewis Lorwin, Exec. Com., ISS, 1920-21; author; authority on Labor.
Owen R. Lovejoy, Exec. Com. and Treas., ISS, 1905-06; former Sec.,
National Child Labor Com.
Robert Morss Lovett, Pres., LID, 1921-1938; Vice Pres., 1938-1949; former
Prof. of English Literature, U. of Chicago; former Ed., New Republic.
Sara Kaplan Lowe, Sec. to Dr. Laidler since 1925; office manager.
John Lyon, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., LID; public relations counselor.
Marcia J. Lyttle, National Council, LID; active in peace movements.
Church and former Pres., Federal Council of Churches (dec.).
Bertha Mailly, former Bd. of Dir., LID; former Exec. Sec., Rand School.
Julius Manson, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1955; Staff, N.Y. State Board of Mediation.
Edwin Markham, frequent lecturer, ISS; poet.
Jan Masaryk, former Honorary Member, LID; former Foreign Sec. Czechoslovakia (dec.).
James H. Maurer, Vice Pres., LID, 1923-1944; former Pres., Pa. Federation
of Labor; former’ Socialist Legislator (dec.).
George Meany, receiver of LID Award, 1954; Pres., AFL.
Alexander Meiklejohn, Vice Pres., LID, since 1938; former Pres., Amherst;
author, lecturer.
Darwin J. Meserole, Exec. Com., ISS, 1918-1921; attorney; Active in Fight
Against Unemployment (dec.).
Katherine Maltby Meserole, member 1st Exec. Com, ISS; educator.
Etta Meyer, Vice Pres., N.Y. Chap., LID; social worker.

Edna St. Vincent Millay, former Vassar SLID; poetess (dec.).
Abraham Miller, Bd. of Dir., LID since 1945; Sec., N.Y. Joint Bd., ACWA.
Nathaniel M. Minkoff, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1952; Ch. of Bd., 1946-1948;
Pres. since 1948; Sec. Treas., N.Y. Joint Bd., Dressmakers’ Union,
Broadus Mitchell. Johns Hopkins ISS, 1917-18; Bd. of Dir., LID, 1945-1952;
Prof. of Economics, Rutgers U.; author.
Hiram K. Moderwell, Sec., Harvard ISS; writer; dramatic critic (dec.).
William P. Montague, Exec. Com., ISS, 1917-18; Bd. of Dir., 1920-1923;
Prof of Philosophy, Columbia (dec.).
Therese H. Moore, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., LID; housewife.
Wayne Morse, receiver of LID Award, 1954; U.S. Senator from Oregon.
Amicus Most, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., LID, since 1954; former Chief of
Industrial Department, E.C.A., Germany; contractor.
Lewis Mumford, former member, N.Y. Chap. Exec. Com., LID; author; city planner.
A. J. Muste, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1921-22; Sec. Emeritus, F.O.R.
Isidore Nagler, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1953–; Manager, N.Y. Joint Bd.,
Cloakmakers Union, ILGWU.
George Nasmyth, Exec. Com., ISS, 1918-1920; student of International
Affairs (dec.).
Benjamin B. Naumoff, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1950; Pres., N.Y. Chap., 1952-1954;
Chief Field Examiner, N.L.R.B., N.Y. Region.
Nellie Seeds Nearing, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1923; author; educator (dec.).
S. L. Newman, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1945-1952; former Vice Pres., International
Association of Machinists.
Reinhold Niebuhr, former Pres., N.Y. Chap., LID; former Bd. of Dir. and
Treas.; author; Vice Pres., Union Theological Seminary.
Morris S. Novik, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1950; radio consultant.
Harry A. Overstreet, National Council; author; lecturer; educator.
Mary W. Ovington, Exec. Com., ISS, 1914-15; a founder, NAACP.
Jacob Panken, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1948; former Justice, Court of
Domestic Relations, N.Y.C.
Ernst Papanek, of Dir., LID, 1955; Dir., Wiltwyck School.
Herbert W. Payne, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1946-1952; Treas., 1943-1952; late
Vice Pres., Textile Workers Union of America (dec.).
Dorothy Pearson, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap., LID; active in liberal movements.
Orlie Pell, Bd. of Dir., LID; Education and Research Assoc., American
Labor Education Services.
Elsie Cole Phillips, Exec. Com., ISS, 1910-1914; Vice Pres., 1910-11.
William Pickens, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1923-1942; author; former Field Sec.,
NAACP (dec.).
Ernest Poole, Exec. Com., ISS, 1908-1918; Vice Pres., 1912-18; novelist;
winner, Pulitzer Prize (dec.).
J. S. Potofsky, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1925-26; Pres., ACWA.
Eliot D. Pratt, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1948-1952; National Council; Ch., Bd. of
Trustees, Goddard College.
Sherman D. Pratt, National Council, LID; publicist.

Paul W. Preisler, National Council, LID; teacher; attorney.
Carl Rachlin, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1950; former Pres., N.Y. Chap.; labor
and Civil Liberties attorney.
Walter Rautenstrauch, former Bd. of Dir., LID; Prof. of Industrial Engineering,
Columbia (dec.).
Cleveland Rodgers, Bd. of Dir., LID, in forties; formerly Ed., Brooklyn
Eagle and member, N.Y. City Planning Commission.
George E. Roewer, formerly Boston Chap.; legal consultant; labor lawyer.
Eleanor Roosevelt, recipient of LID Award, 1953; “First Woman of the World.”
George Ross, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1948; businessman; Sec., People’s
Educational Camp Society.
I. M. Rubinow, Exec. Com., ISS, 1913-1917; Authority on Social Insurance.
Charles Edward Russell, frequent lecturer for League; author; writer.
Stanley Ruttenberg, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1950-1952; Dir. of Research and
Education, CIO.
Helen Sahler, former Sec., N.Y. Chap.; sculptor; painter (dec.).
Mary R. Sanford, Exec. Com., ISS, 1907-1938; Treas., 1916-1919; Vice
Pres., LID, 1938-1948; publicist.
Joseph Schlossberg, Bd. of Dir. LID, 1940; Treas., 1945; Sec.-Treas.
Emeritus, A.C.W.A.; Member, Board of Higher Education, New York
Karl Scholz, National Council, LID; Prof. of Economics, U. of Pa.
Adelaide Schulkind, Vice Pres., N.Y. Chap., 1954; Sec., League for
Mutual Aid.
Leroy Scott, Sec., ISS, 1910-1917; writer; novelist.
Vida D. Scudder, Exec. Com., ISS, 1912-1916; Vice Pres., LID, 1921-1954;
Prof. of English Literature, Wellesley (dec.).
H. D. Sedgwick, Exec. Com., ISS, 1912-1917; educator; writer (dec.).
Bert Seidman, former Ch., Washington Chap., LID; Research Dept., AFL.
Toni Sender, Frequent League lecturer; Representative of International
Confederation of Trade Unions at UN.
Boris Shishkin, Bd. of Dir., LID; economist, AFL.
Upton Sinclair, founder; Vice Pres., ISS, 1905-1917; novelist.
Winifred Smith, National Council, LID; former Prof. of English, Vassar.
George Soule, Bd. of Dir., LID; author; economist; Prof. of Economics,
Bennington College.
John Spargo, Exec. Com., ISS, 1916-1919; writer.
Sterling Spero, Bd. of Dir., LID; Prof. of Public Administration, N.Y.U.
Sidney Stark, long LID cooperator; businessman.
Sidney Stark, Jr., National Council, LID; businessman.
Lincoln Steffens, frequent lecturer, LID; writer (dec.).
Charles P. Steinmetz, Vice Pres., LID, 1921-1924; inventor; electric wizard (dec.).
Helen Phelps Stokes, Exec. Com., ISS, 1907-1921; Bd. of Dir., 1921-1940;
Vice Pres., 1940 (dec.).
J. G. Phelps Stokes, Exec. Com., ISS 1905-1918; Pres., 1907-1918; publicist.
Benjamin Stolberg, former Bd. of Dir., LID; writer (dec.).

George Streator, National Council, LID; former Bd. of Dir.; labor editor.
Carol Lloyd Strobell, Exec. Com., ISS, 1913-1921; writer.
Louis Stulberg,. Bd. of Dir., LID; manager, Loca1 66, ILGWU.
Norman Thomas, Exec. Com., ISS, 1918-1921; Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1921;
Exec. Com., 1922-1936; Socialist leader; author; lecturer; Ch. Post War
World Council.
John Thurber, former Ch., Washington Chap. LID; labor statistician and
Richard C. Tolman, U. of Illinois ISS; physicist (dec.).
Ashley L. Totten, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1951; Sec.-Treas., Brotherhood of
Sleeping Car Porters.
Thorstein Veblen, National Council, 1925-1929; sociologist (dec.).
Oswald Garrison Villard, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1933-34; former Ed. and Pub.
The Nation (dec.).
B. Charney V1adeck, Bd of Dir., LID, in thirties; Business Manager, Jewish
Daily Forward; former N.Y.C. Councilman (dec.).
Stephen Vladeck, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1955; labor attorney.
Wil1iam C. Vladeck, Bd. of Dir., 1953-1955; architect.
Anna Strunsky Walling, active member since 1905.
L. Metcalfe Walling, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1948-1952; former Administrator,
Fair Labor Practices; attorney.
William English Walling, Exec. Com., ISS, 1912-1918; author; social scientist (dec.).
Agnes A. Warbasse, Bd. of Dir., 1925-26; leading cooperator (dec.).
Arthur Warner, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1921-1923; writer; ed. (dec.).
Adolph Warshow, formerly Bd. of Dir., LID; business~an (dec.).
Morris Weisz, National Council, LID; labor economist.
Mildred Perlman Westover, Sec., SLID, 1952-53; Bd. of Dir., 1953-1955.
Bertha Poole Weyl, Bd. of Dir., LID, 1922-1945; Vice Pres., since 1945; housewife.
Bouck White, Exec. Com., ISS, 1912-1915; author (dec.).
Samuel S. White, National Council; labor-management relations.
Pearl Willen, Bd. of Dir., LID, since 1952; lecturer; social service.
Norman Williams, Jr., Bd. of Dir., LID; Legal Dept., N.Y.C. Planning
William Withers, National Council, LID; Prof. of Economics, Queens College.
Herman Wolf, Bd. of Dir., 1953-1955; public relations.
Helen Sumner Woodbury, Exec. Com., ISS and Dir., 1917-1924; labor
economist (dec.).
Louis Yagoda, Exec. Com., N.Y. Chap.; N.Y. State Board of Mediation.
Phil Ziegler, National Council, LID; Ed., Railway Clerk.
Savel Zimand, Bd. of Dir., LID; 1921-1924; writer; health educator.
Charles Zimmerman, Bd. of Dir., LID; Vice Pres., ILGWU; Manager,
Local 22.
Charles Zueblin, Exec. Com., ISS, 1916-1921; author; lecturer (dec.).




Nathaniel M. Minkoff, President
William H. Kilpatrick, Chairman of the Board
Vice Presidents; John C. Bennett, M. J. Coldwe11,
Frank P. Graham, A. J. Hayes, John Haynes Holmes,
Alexander Meiklejohn, Ernest Nagel, Mark Starr
Joseph Schlossberg, Treasurer
Caro1 Weisbrod, Student Secretary
Harry W. Laidler, Executive Director Emeritus

Board of Directors

Robert J. Alexanderm Luigi Antonini, Shelley Appleton, George Backer,
Gregory J. Bardacke, Solomon Barkin, Murray Baron, Daniel Bell, Nelson
Bengston, LeRoy Bowman, Jerome Breslaw, Rosemary Bull, George Cadbury,
John L. Childs, Henry M. Christman, Charles Cogen, Cara Cook, Albert
Sprague Coolidge, George S. Counts, Louise Crane, Max Delson, Samuel
DeWitt, James Farmer, Louis Fischer, Isabelle B. Friedman, Samuel H.
Friedman, Benjamin A. Gebiner, Martin Gerber, Murray Gross; Susan Gyarmati,
Adolph Held, Leonard S. Kandell, William Kemsley, John V. P. Lassoem Jr.,
Harold Lewack, Lewis Lorwill, Julius Manson, Henoch Mendelsund,
Abraham Miller, Isiah Minkoff, Amicus Most, Emanuel Muravchik,
Benjamin B. Naumoff, Aryeh Neier, Morris S. Novik, Ernst Papanek, Orlie
Pell, Carl Rachlin, Victor G. Reuther, Marvin Rich, George Ross, Andre
Schiffrin, Clarence Senior, Boris Shishkin, Rebecca C. Simonson, Sterling
Spero, Sidney Stark, Jr., Louis Stulberg, Harold Taylor, Norman Thomas,
Ashley L. Totten, Frank N. Trager, Francis T. Villemain, Stephen Vladeck,
Rowland Watts, Mina Weisenberg, Jacques E. Wilmore, William Wolpert,
Charles S. Zimmerman. Student Representatives: Eldon Clingan, Michael

National Council

George E. Axtelle, Angela Bambace, Jack Barbash, Helen Marston Beardsley,
Arnold Beichman, Brand Blanshard, Wallace J. Campbell, James B. Carey,
Ethlyn Christensen, Gordon R. Clapp, Grace L. Coyle, Clark M. Eichelberger,
Robert Engler, Harold U. Faulkner, Clara G. Goldman, Charles

Grossman, Harold M. Groves, Donald Harrington, Paul R. Hayes, Eduard
Heimann, Mary Fox Herling, Mary Hillyer, Sidney Hook, John Paul Jones,
Clifford Kirkpatrick, Cornelius Kruse, Aaron Levenstein, Alfred Baker Lewis,
Marx Lewis, Harry A. Overstreet, Eliot D Pratt, Sherman Pratt, Paul W.
Preisler, Carl Raushenbush, Asher W. Schwartz, Winifred Smith, George
Soule, Monrue Sweetland, Morris Weisz, Samuel S. White, William Withers,
Theresa Wolfson.

(Official stationery of LID bears the notation: “Officially Accredited to the
United States Mission to the United Nations.”)



Harry F. Ward, Chairman
Duncan McDonald
Jeannette Rankin, Vice Chairman
* Helen Phelps Stokes, Treasurer
* Albert De Silver
* Roger N. Baldwin

Walter Nelles, Counsel
Lucille B. Milner, Field Secretary
Louis Budenz, Publicity Director

National Committee

Jane Addams Agnes Brown Leach
Herbert Bigelow Arthur Le Sueur
Sophonisba P. Breckenridge * Henry R. Linville
Robert M. Buck * Robert Morss Lovett
Joseph D. Cannon Allen McCurdy
John S. Codman Grenville S. McFarland
Lincoln Colcord Oscar Maddous
James H. Dillard Judah L. Magnes
James A. Duncan * James H. Maurer
* Crystal Eastman * A. J. Muste
* John Lovejoy Elliott * George W. Nasmyth
Edmund C. Evans * Scott Nearing
William M. Fincke Julia O’Connor
John A. Fitch * William H. Pickens
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn William Marion Reedy
William Z. Foster John Nevin Sayre
Felix Frankfurter Rose Schneiderman
Ernst Freund * Vida D. Scudder
Paul J. Furnas Seymour Stedman
* Zona Gale * Norman M. Thomas
A. B. Gilbert Edward D. Tittmann
* Arthur Garfield Hayes William S. U’Ren
* Morris Hillquit * Oswald Garrison Villard
* John Haynes Holmes * B. Charney Vladeck
* Frederick C. Howe George P. West
* James Weldon Johnson L. Hollingsworth Wood
Helen Keller

* Listed by Mina Weisenberg among “collaborators” of League
for Industrial Democracy.


(Names marked * appear on Mina Weisenberg’s list of League for Industrial
Democracy “collaborators”; names marked t appear on official founders list
of Americans for Democratic Action.)
Board of Directors
Ernest Angell=Chairman
Ralph S. Brown, Jr., Sophia Yarnall Jacobs=Vice Chairmen
Edward J. Ennis, *Osmond K. Fraenkel=General Counsel
Dorothy Kenyon=Secretary
B. W. Huebsch=Treasurer
*t Morris L. Ernst, John F. Finerty, *John Holmes, *Norman Thomas=
Directors Emeritus

Robert Bierstedt Dan Lacy George Soll
Robert L. Crowell * Will Maslow * Stephen C. Vladeck
* Walter Frank Harry C. Meserve J. Waties Waring
Lewis Galantiere Edward O. Miller Alan Westin
Walter Gellhorn Walter Millis Howard Whiteside
Louis M. Hacker Gerard Piel Edward Bennett Williams
* August Heckscher Harriet Pilpel
Frank S. Horne Herbert Prashker
* John Paul Jones Elmer Rice

National Executive Staff

John de J. Pemberton, Jr.=Executive Director
Alan Reitman=Associate Director
Melvin L. Wulf=Legal Director
Marie M. Runyon=Membership Director
Lawrence Speiser=Washington Office Director
(1101 Vermont Street, N.W., Washington, D.C.
Telephone: MEtropolitan 8-6602)
Louise C. Floyd, Leanne Golden, Colleen Carmody, Julie
Barrows=Executive Assistants
Jeffrey E. Fuller=Staff Associate

National Committee

t Francis Biddle==Chairman
Pearl S. Buck, Howard F. Burns, * Albert Sprague Coolidge, J. Frank Dobie,
Lloyd K. Garrison, * Frank P. Graham, t Palmer Hoyt, Karl Menninger,
Loren Miller, * Morris Rubin, Lillian E. Smith=Vice Chairmen

Sadie Alexander * Roger N. Baldwin
J. Garner Anthony Alan Barth
Thurman Arnold Dr. Sarah Gibson Blanding
Clarence E. Ayres * Catherine Drinker Bowen

Prof. Julian P. Boyd * Max Lerner
Van Wyck Brooks Prof. Robert S. Lynd
John Mason Brown Dr. Millicent C. McIntosh
Dr. Robert K. Carr Patrick Murphy Malin
Prof. Allan K. Chalmers Prof. Robert Mathews
* Stuart Chase Prof. Wesley H. Maurer
Grenville Clark * Emil Mazey
Dr. Rufus E. Clement *Dr. Alexander Meiklejohn
Prof. Henry S. Commager Sylvan Meyer
* Prof. George S. Counts Donald R. Murphy
Prof. Robert E. Cushman Dr. J. Robert Oppenheimer
* Melvyn Douglas John B. Orr, Jr.
Prof. Thomas H. Eliot t Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam
Victor Fischer James G. Patton
Walter T. Fisher t A. Philip Randolph
James Lawrence Fly Elmo Roper
Dr. Erich Fromm t Prof Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.
Prof. Ralph F. Fuchs Dr. Edward J. Sparling
Prof. Willard E. Goslin Prof. George R. Stewart
Prof. Mark DeW. Howe t Dorothy Tilly
* Quincy Howe Jose Trias-Monge
Dr. Robert M. Hutchins William L. White
Gerald W. Johnson Thornton Wilder
Dr. Mordecai W. Johnson t Aubrey Williams
James Kerney Marion A. Wright
Benjamin H. Kizer Dean Benjamin Youngdahl
Agnes Brown Leach


Honorary Chairmen

James Imbrie
Alexander Meiklejohn
Clarence Pickett

Chairman Emeritus
Aubrey W. Williams

Harvey O’Connor

Vice Chairmen
Dorothy Marshall

Sylvia E. Crane
Organization Liaison
Charles Jackson
East Coast Region
Harry Barnard
Midwest Region
(to be announced)
Southern Region

Robert W. Kenny

Executive Director-Field Representative
Frank Wilkinson
[Sponsors’ List follows. Note interlock with LID, ADA and ACLU.]

of the

(Titles and Institutions Listed for Identification only)
[List as published by above-named Committee in the Bulletin of Abolition
News, official publication of the National Committee]

Agric. Econ. Emer., U. of N.H. English, San Francisco State
Assoc. Dean, Columbia College Chemistry, Fenn College
History, Yale University University of Pennsylvania
Humanities, Rutgers University University of Colorado
Neurology, Columbia University English, New York University
English, Columbia University Political Science, Boston Univ.
Government, American University Vassar College
SOCiology-Anthropology, N.Y.U. Religion, Stanford University
U. of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Philosophy, Columbia University

Pediatrics Emer., Harvard Univ.
Law, New York University
Chemistry, New York University
Law, University of Pittsburgh
Microbiology Emer., U. of Wis.
Psychiatry, Harvard University
Statistics, Hollins College
Psychology, U. of Caln.-Berkeley
Law, Rutgers University
Physics, Boston University
Northwestern University
Physics, Washington University
New York University
Chemistry Erner., Harvard Univ.
Philosophy, Columbia University
Physics, Haverford College
Bacteriology, Harvard University
History, Cornell University
Social Science, Raleigh, N.C.
Case Institute of Technology
President, Antioch College
Law, New York University
Mt. Mercy College
History, Harvard University
Law, Yale University
Dean, Amherst College
Mathematics, Stanford University
English, Stanford University
Law, Tulane University
English, University of Kansas
Philosophy, Stanford University
Sociology, Columbia University
History, University of Washington
Columbia-Presbyterian Med. Ctr.
Edu. Emer., Columbia Teach. Col
Economics Erner., Stanford Univ.
Medicine Emer., Harvard Univ.
Law, Yale University
Asso. Dean, Columbia University
Education, University of Chicago
Columbia Univ. P. & S. Emer.;
National Academy of Sciences
Harvard University
Education, Los Angeles State Col.

English, Carroll College
Philosophy Emer., Harvard Univ.
Soil Sciences, University of Wis.
Law, Harvard University
History, Harvard University
Physics, George Washington U.
Univ. of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Boston University
Prine. Emer., Frnds. Sch., Wil., Del.
Princeton University
Political Sci., Ohio State Univ.
Mathematics, Cornell University
Headmaster, Dalton School
Design, Ohio State University
Pathology Emer., Mt. Sinai Hosp.
New York University
University of Minnesota
History, Col. of the City of N.Y.
Phil., College of the City of N.Y.
Emer., University of Wisconsin
Mathematics, Stanford University
Political Sci., Western Reserve U.
Mechanical Eng., Stanford Univ.
Grad. Sch., Brandeis University
Washington, D.C.
Mathematics, Univ. of Alberta
Antioch College
Phil., U. of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Sarah Lawrence College
Northwestern University
Sociology, Columbia University
Neurology, Northwestern Univ.
Director, Stockbridge School
Political Science, Stanford Univ.
Geology Emer., Harvard Univ.
Journalism, University of Mich.
Mathematics, Carleton College
Phil. Pres. Emer. Amherst Col.
Presidential Medal of Freedom
Biochem., P & S, Columbia Univ.
Emer., Columbia University
Law, University of Washington
Physics, Cornell University
University of Pennsylvania

Statistics, Stanford University
Economics Emer., New York U.
Biochem., Med. Sch., U. of Ptsbrg.
Science, Fenn College
Physics, Cornell University
Art Historian, Princeton Univ.
Philosophy, Coe College
Nobel Laureate: Chemistry; Peace
Headmaster Emer., Groton School
Brandeis University
Philosophy, Columbia University
Law, New York University
Fenn College
Chem., Univ. of North Carolina
Law, University of Wisconsin
Pol. Science, Princeton University
English, Northwestern University
History, Ohio State University
Washington University
Edu. Emer., U. of North Carolina
Indus. Eng., Columbia University
Fine Arts, Columbia University
Philosophy, Northwestern Univ.
History, Univ. of Calif.-Berkeley
Mathematics, Univ. of Minnesota
Astronomy Emer., Harvard Univ.
Rockefeller Institute
English, Univ. of Calif.-Berkeley
Northwestern University
Phil., City University of N.Y.
Sociology, Harvard University
Ped. & Psychtry. West. Res. Univ.
History, Univ. of Calif.-Berkeley
Princeton University
Asst. Dean, Gen. Education & Ext., N.Y.U
University of Cincinnati
Former Pres., Sarah Lawrence Col.
Cell Biology, Columbia University
Political Science, Rutgers Univ.
Nobel Laureate: Chemistry
Industrial Sociologist
Economics, Columbia University
Med. Sch., Univ. of Pittsburgh

Scientist, Univ. of Minnesota
Speech, New York University
University of North Carolina
Emer.~ University of Michigan
Case Institute of Technology
Intl. Rel., San Francisco State
Kingsfield, Maine
Mathematics, Cornell University
Politics, Princeton University
San Francisco State College
Sociology, Brandeis University
Physics, Western Reserve Univ.

District of Columbia
Universalist, Columbus, Ohio
Meth.; Chrm., World Fel., Inc.
Essex Community, Chicago
Chaplain, Brown University
Theologian, New York City
Director, Ethical Culture Society
Calvary Methodist, D.C.
Theologian, Alexandria, Virginia
Brook Park Methodist, Berea, O.
Congregational, Cambridge, Mass.
Unitarian, Berkeley, California
Cent Meth. Emer., Detroit, Mich.
Unitarian, Plainfield, N.J.
Pullen Memorial Baptist,
Raleigh, N.C.
Co-Chrm., Religious Freedom

Unitarian, Los Angeles, Calif.
Temple Israel, Boston, Mass.
Union of Amer. Hebrew Congo
Congregation Mishkan Israel,
New Haven, Conn.
Chicago, Illinois
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Community Ch. Emer., N.Y.
Brith Emeth Cong., Cleveland, O.
Friends Natl. Com. on Legislation
Free Synagogue, Mt. Vernon, N.Y.
Pres., Southern Christian

Leadership Conference
Free Synagogue, New York City
Chaplain, Columbia University

Unitarian Society, Cleveland, O.
Unitarian, Berkeley, California
Theologian, New York City
Temple Sinai,D.C.
Bishop, Methodist Church,
Baltimore, Md.
Pres. Emer. Princeton Theological
Episcopal Bishop of Ariz., Ret.
Dean, Boston Theological Sem.
Secty. Emer., Fellowship for
Theologian, New York City
Chicago Theological Seminary
Unitarian, Monterey, California
Episc. Bish., Central N.Y., Ret.
Wesley Meth., Hayward, Calif.
Berkeley, California
Pres., Bloomfield Col. & Sem.
Unitarian, San Francisco, Calif.
Pres., Chicago Theological Sem.
Protestant Chap., U. of Mass.
Dir., United Synagogues of Amer.
Baptist, Pasadena, California
Editor, The Churchman
Pres., Ala. Christian Movement
Pres., Southern Conf. Edu. Fund
Temple Beth Jacob,
Redwood City, Calif.
Bangor Theological Sem., Me.
Dean, School of Religion,
Howard University
Dir., Northcott Neigh. House,
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Dir., Southern Christian
Leadership Conference
KAM Temple, Chicago, Ill.
Rockville, Maryland
Unitarian, Rochester, New York
Prof. of Rel., Western Res. Univ.

Industrial Relations Writer, D.C.
Editor, National Guardian
Editor, Labor News

Writer Editor, Art News
Editor-Writer Painter
Painter Publisher
Writer Writer
Editor, Southern Patriot Writer
JOHN CIARDI Poet PHIL KERBY Editor, Frontier

Fonner Editor, The Nation
Economic Analyst
Fonner Editor-Editorial Page
St. Louis Post Dispatch DENISE LEVERTOV
Poet, Ed./Pub., City Lights Books
Writer Editor, The Nation
Writer Writer
Ed., Writer, Civil Lib. Leader Writer-Anthropologist
Phys.; Ed./Pub., Sun Times Writer
Painter Writer
Lyricist Writer
Actor-Writer Manager, National Guardian

Editor, Indiana Press
Writer; Member, Natl. Academy
of Arts & Letters
Writer; Clergyman
Insurance, Beverly Hills
Investment Securities, N.Y.C.
Former Dir., Instruct. Research,
Detroit Public Schools
Social Worker; Former Dir.,
Hull House
Attorney, Lansing, Michigan
Attorney, Rochester, New York
Pres., Intl. Longshoremen’s &
Warehousemen’s Union
New York City, N.Y.
Attorney, New York City
Attorney-Writer, Dublin, N.H.
Attorney, Pensacola, Florida
Found. Trustee, Wds. Hole, Mass.
Los Altos, California
Attorney, Cleveland, Ohio
Attorney-Corp. Exec., Chi., Ill.
Attorney-Writer, New York City
Attorney, San Francisco, Calif.
Attorney, Nashville, Tennessee
Attny.-Civil Lib. Leader, N.Y.C.
Hotel & Club Employees
Union, AFL-CIO
Social Worker, Madison, Wis.
Attorney, San Francisco, Calif.
Businessman, D.C. & N.Y.C.
Attorney, Carmel, California
Brig. General, U.S. Army, Ret.
Banker, Ret., Lawrenceville, N.J.

Pres. Local 500, Almag.
Meatcutters, AFL-CIO
Attny.; Former Attny. Gen.,Cal.
Attorney, Spokane, Washington
Real Estate, Los Angeles, Calif.
Attny., Civil Lib. Leader, N.Y.C.
Attny., Former N.Y. Assem.
Attorney, Flint, Michigan
Writer; Bus. Mgr. Local #929
AFL-CIO, Chicago, Illinois
Attorney, Detroit, Michigan
Attorney, Philadelphia, Penn.
Attorney, Beverly Hills, Calif.
Beverly Hills, California
Attny., Real Est., La Grange, Ill.
Former Pres., Nat!. Medical Asso.
Cleveland Heights, Ohio
Orthopedic Surgeon, N.Y.C.
Brotherhood of Sleeping Car
Porters, AFL-CIO
United Hat, Cap & Millinery
Workers, AFL-CIO
Attorney, San Francisco, Calif.
Attorney, Los Angeles, California
Attorney, Detroit, Michigan
Attorney, Denver, Colorado
Attorney, Dist. of Columbia
Bus. Agent .#BIO~ AFL-CIO~
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania
Attorney, Medford, Wisconsin
Attorney, Newton, Massachusetts
Attorney-Civil Liberties Leader,
Detroit, Michigan
Attorney-Civil Liberties Leader,
New Haven, Connecticut
Rsch. Asso., Ind. Union Dept.,
AFL-CIO, Boston, Massachusetts
Secty.-Treas., Amalgamated
Cloth. Wkrs. of Amer., AFL-CIO
Attorney-Civil Liberties Leader,
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Attorney, Torrance, California
Attorney-Civil Liberties Leader,
New Orleans, Louisiana
Boston, Massachusetts
Psychiatrist, Los Angeles, Calif.
Attorney, San Jose, Calif.
Attorney, Cleveland, Ohio
Attorney-Civil Liberties Leader,
New Orleans, Louisiana

Attorney-Civil Liberties Leader,
Los Angeles, California
Attorney, Alexandria, Virginia
YWCA Exec., Ret., Mil., Wise.
Asso. Secty., Women’s IntI.
League for Peace & Freedom,
(W.I.L.P.F.) Philadelphia, Pa.
Monterey, California
Supreme Grand Master, IntI.
Masons & Eastern Stars
Pres., Calif. Fed. of Young Dem.
Former Gov. of Minnesota
Secty., Fairfax County, Virginia
Council on Human Relations
Cambridge, Massachusetts
Field Organizer, Southern Conf.
Educational Fund, Inc.
Pres., San Francisco NAACP
San Jose, California
New York City, N.Y.
Washington, D.C.
New York City
Former U.S. Commissioner of
Indian Affairs
Civil Liberties Leader,
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Woods Hole, Massachusetts
Chrm., N.Y. Council to Abolish
Chrm., Pittsburgh, Pa. W.I.L.P.F.
Dir., Southern Conference
Educational Fund, Inc.
Los Altos, California
Civil Liberties Leader,
Los Angeles, California
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Civil Liberties Leader,
Corona del Mar, California
Vice-Pres., Fund for the Republic
Santa Barbara, California
Dir., Student Non-Violent
Coordinating Committee
Civil Liberties Leader,
La JoHa, California
Nat!. Bd., W.I.L.P.F.; Stamf., Conn.
Washington, D.C.
Civil Liberties Leader, Det., Mich.
Former Reg. Dir., Friends
Committee on Legislation
Ex. Sec. Fellowship of Recon.
Washington, D.C.

Washington, D.C.
NAACP Leader, Falls Church, Va.
Women for Peace, Berkeley, Cal.
Washington, D.C.
New York City, N.Y.
Vice-Pres, Cleveland Chapter
United Federalists
Pasadena, California
Atlanta, Georgia
Pasadena, California
Chrm., Student Non-Violent
Coordinating Committee
Redding, Connecticut
Past Pres., Catholic Women’s Club
Los Angeles, California
Former Chrm., Cleveland Voice
of Women, Cleveland, Ohio
Pasadena, California
Vice-Pres., National Board,
W.I.L.P.F., Santa Barbara, Calif.
Exec. Dir. Emer., Amer. Friends
Servo Committee, Phila., Pat
Dist. Ldr., Reform Dem. Club,
New York City
Chrm. Amer. Zionist Council
of Dallas
Judge, New York City
Pres., American Jewish Congo
St. Louis, Missouri
Exee. Seety., Amer. Friends Servo
Com., Pac. S. W. Reg. Office
Washington, D.C.
Civil Liberties Leader,
West Covina, California
Peace Action Center, Wash., D.C.
Pres. Phys. Chapt., Amer. Jewish
Cong., New York City, N.Y.
Los Angeles Board, W.I.L.P.F.
Pres., Greensboro Branch, NAACP
Civil Liberties Leader:
Santa Barbara, California
Alexandria, Virginia
Washington, D.C.
McLean, Virginia
Dir., World Fellowship, Inc.,
Conway, N.H.
Livonia, Mich. Ldr., W.I.L.P.F.
Great Neck, N.Y.
Civil Rights Leader,
Los Angeles, California
Ret. Judge, New York City, N.Y.

Former Director, National Youth
Administration; Publisher,
The Southern Farmer
Initiator, Women Strike for Peace
Tacoma Park, Maryland



From Hearings before the House Select Committee on Lobbying Activities,
81st Congress., Second Session. Americans for Democratic Action. July 11,
12, 1950 (Washington, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1950).

(Names with asterisk appear on the League for Industrial Democracy list.)
Alsop, Joseph, Washington, D.C.; columnist
Alsop, Stewart, Washington, D.C.; columnist
Altman, Jack, New York; executive vice president, United Retail,
Wholesale and Department Store Workers of America, CIO
Anderson, Douglas, Chicago; secretary-treasurer, United
Railroad Workers of America, CIO
Anderson, Eugenie, Minneapolis; chairman, Democratic-Farm-Labor
Party, First District, Minnesota; Ambassador to Denmark
Baldanzi, George, New York; executive vice president,
Textile Workers Union of America, CIO
* Bendiner, Robert, New York; associate editor, Nation; UDA Board
* Biemiller, Andrew, Milwaukee; Congressman
Bingham, Barry, Louisville; president, Louisville Courier-Journal
Blatt, Genevieve, Pittsburgh; chairman, Young Democrats of Pennsylvania
* Bohn, Dr. William, New York; editor, New Leader; UDA Board
Bowles, Chester, Essex, Conn.; Governor of Connecticut
Brandt, Evelyn, New York; Friends of Democracy
Brown, Andrew W., Detroit; Michigan Citizens Committee
Brown, Harvey M., New York; president, International
Association of Machinists; ECA Labor Chief
* Carey, James B., Washington, D.C.; secretary-treasurer, CIO
Carroll, John A., Denver; Congressman
Carter, Alison E., New York; executive secretary,
U.S. Students Assembly, UDA Board
Childs, Marquis, Washington, D.C.; columnist
Clifford, Jerry, Green Bay, Wis.
Crawford, Kenneth, Washington D.C.; associate editor, Newsweek
Cruikshank, Nelson, Washington, D.C.; director,
Social Security Activities, AFL, UDA Board
* Danish, Max, New York; editor, Justice; ILGWU
Davies, Dr. A. Powell, Washington, D.C.; clergyman, All
Souls’ Church and American Unitarian Association
Davis, Elmer, Washington, D.C.; radio commentator

Douds, Charles, Englewood, New Jersey; former regional
director, NLRB, New Jersey Progressive League
* Dubinsky, David, New York; president, ILGWU-AFL
Edelman, John, Washington, D.C.; legislative representative,
Textile Workers Union, CIO, Arrangements committee
* Edwards, George, Detroit; president, Detroit Common Council
Edwards, Margaret, Detroit; Michigan Citizens Committee, UDA Board
Ehle, Emily, Philadelphia, Pa.
Epstein, Ethel S., New York; labor arbiter, UDA Board
Ernst, Hugo, Cincinnati; president, Hotel and Restaurant Workers Union, AFL
* Ernst, Morris, New York; counsel, American Civil Liberties Union
Fedder, Herbert L., Baltimore; UDA Baltimore chapter representative
Feder, Michael Ernst, Wellesley; president, U.S. Student Assembly
* Fischer, Louis, New York; author, UDA Board
Fleischman, Bernard, Louisville; UDA Louisville chapter representative
Furstenberg, Dr. Frank, Baltimore; UDA Baltimore chapter representative
Galbraith, J. Kenneth, New York; Harvard professor; former
Deputy Director, OPA; Fortune
Gamow, Leo, Union City, N.J.; North Jersey Progressive League representative
Gilbert, Richard, Washington, D.C.; former Chief Economist, OPA
Ginsburg, David, Washington, D.C.; former General
Counsel, OPA, arrangements committee
Goldblum, A. P., Boston; Harvard Liberal Union, U.S. Student Assembly
Granger, Lester, New York; executive secretary, National Urban League
Green, John, Camden, N.J.; president, Indepent Union Marine
and Shipbuilding Workers, CIO
Greer, James, New York; Council for Democracy
Grogan, John J., Camden, N.J.; director of organization,
Independent Union Marine and Shipbuilding Workers, CIO
Harris, Louis, New York
Harrison, Gilbert, New York; executive vice chairman,
now president, American Veterans Committee
* Hayes, A. J., Washington, D.C.; vice
president, International Association of Machinists
Hays, Mortimer, New York; UDA Board
Haywood, Allan, Washington, D.C.; vice
president and director of organization, CIO
Hedgeman, Anna Arnold, Washington, D.C.
Henderson, Leon, Washington, D.C.
Higgins, Rev. George, Washington, D.C.;
National Catholic Welfare Conference
Hildreth, Melvin D., Washington, D.C.; General
Counsel, War Relief Control Board
Hoeber, Johannes U., Philadelphia, Pa.
Hoffman, Sal B., Philadelphia; president,
Upholsterers International Union
Holderman, Carl, Newark, N.J.; president, New
Jersey State Industrial Union Council, CIO
Holifield, Hon. Chet, Congressman from California
Hollander, Edward, Washington, D.C.; UDA
Chapter; arrangements committee

Hook, Frank, Ironwood, Mich.; former Congressman
Hudgens, Robert W., Washington,D.C.; former
Deputy Director, Farm Security Administration
Jackson, Gardner, Washington, D.C.; former
special assistant to Secretary of
Agriculture; arrangements committee
Johnson, Mrs. Clyde, Cincinnati; chairman,
Progressive Citizens Committee, UDA Board
Johnson, Morse, Cininnati; Progressive
Citizens Committee
Killen, James S., Washington, D.C.; vice
president, International Brotherhood of
Pulp, Sulphite and Paper Mill Workers, AFL
Kerr, Chester, New York; Reynal & Hitchcock
Koppelmann, Herman, Hartford, Conn.; former Congressman
Kowal, Leon J., Boston, Mass.; representative,
Massachusetts Independent Voters Association
Kyne, Martin, New York; vice president, Retail,
Wholesale and. Department Store Workers, CIO
* Lash, Joseph P., New York; UDA Director,
New York City chapter; arrangements committee
* Lash, Trude Pratt, NewYork; UDA Board
Lerner, Leo, Chicago; chairman, Independent
Voters of Illinois, UDA Board
Levy, Mrs. Newman, New York; representative,
New York City chapter, UDA
* Lewis, Alfred Baker, Connecticut; UDA Board
Limbach, Mrs. Sarah, Pittsburgh;
Union for Progressive Action
Lindeman, Dr. Edward New York; president,
New York City chapter, UDA
Loeb, James, Jr., Washington, D.C.; national
director, UDA: arrangements committee
McCulloch FranK., Chicago; vice chairman,
Independent Voters of Illinois;d irector,
Labor Education Division, Roosevelt College
* McDowell, A. G., Philadelphia; organization
director, Upholsterers International Union, AFL
McLaurin, B. F., New York; International
representative,Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, AFL
Messner, Eugene, New York; UDA Board
Montgomery, Don, Washington, D.C.: consumer
counsel, United Auto Workers, CIO
Mowrer. Edgar Ansel, Washington, D.C.; columnist
Munger, William L., New York; executive
secretary, United Hat, Cap and Millinery Workers, AFL
* Naftalin, Arthur, Minneapolis; secretary
to Mayor Hubert Humphrey
* Niebuhr, Dr. Reinhold, New York, chairman, UDA
Oxnam, Bishop G. Bromley, New York; retiring
president, Federal Council of Churches
Padover, Saul K., New York; PM
Panek, Nathalie E., Washington, D.C.; UDA
national office; arrangements committee
Phillips, Paul L., Albany, N.Y.; first vice president,
International Brotherhood of Papermakers, AFL
Pinchot, Cornelia Bryce, Washington; D.C.; UDA Board
* Porter, Paul A., Washington, D.C.; former OPA Director
Poynter, Nelson P., Washington, D.C.; publisher
Prichard, Edward F., Jr., Paris, Ky.;
former Deputy Director, OWMR
Rauh, Joseph, Jr., Washington, D.C.; former Deputy
Housing Administrator; arrangements comittee
Reinstein, Mrs. Florence, Pittsburgh;
Union for Progressive Action
* Reuther, Walter P., Detroit; president United
Auto Workers(UAW), CIO
Rieve, Emil, New York; president, Textile
Workers Union, CIO
* Roosevelt, Mrs. Franklin D., New York
Roosevelt, Franklin D., Jr. New York
Rosenberg, Marvin, New York; representative,
UDA, New York City chapter
Rosenblatt, Will, New York; UDA Board
Rowe, James H., Jr., Washington, D.C.; former
assistant to the President of the United States
Saltzman, Alex E., New York; UDA Board
Scarlett, Rt. Rev. William, St. Louis;
Episcopal Bishop of St. Louis
Schacter, Harry, Louisville, Ky.;
chairman, Committee for Kentucky
Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr., Washington, D.C.;
arrangements committee; professor, Harvard
Scholle, August, Detroit; president, Michigan
State Industrial Union Council, CIO
* Shishkin, Boris, Washington D.C.; economist,
AFL; USA Board, arrangements committee
Smith, Anthony Wayne, Washington, D.C.;
assistant director, Industrial Union
council, CIO; UDA member
Stapleton, Miss Laurence, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Stokes, Thomas, Washington, D.C.; columnist
Taylor, Barney, Memphis; organization
director, National Farm Labor Union, AFL
Tilly, Mrs. M.E., Atlanta; Womens
Christian Services Committee, Methodist Church
Townsend, Willard S., Chicago; president,
Transport Service Employees; CIO
Tucker, John F. P., Washington, D.C.; USA
national office; arrangements committee
Turner, J. C., Washington, D.C.; business
agent, Operating Engineers, AFL; UDA chapter
* Voorhis, H. Jerry, California;
former Congressman
Weaver, George L. P., Washington D.C.; director,
Committee to Abolish Discrimination, CIO;
UDA Board, arrangements committee
*Wechsler, James, Washington, D.C.; New
York Post; arrangments comittee
Weyler, Edward, Louisville, Ky.; secretary
treasurer, Kentucky State Federation of Labor
White, Walter, New York; executive Secretary
National Assocation for the Advancement
of Colored People(NAACP)
Wolchok, Samuel, New York; president, Retail,
Wholesale and Department Store Employees, CIO
Wyatt, Wilson W., Louisville,
Ky.; former Housing Expediter
Young, Hortense, Louisville, Ky.;
UDA Louisville chapter


Appleby, Paul H., Syracuse, N.Y.;
dean, School, Public Administration,
Syracuse University
Berger,Clarence, Boston; Independent
Voters League
Boettiger, Mr. & Mrs. John, Phoenix,
Ariz.; publishers, Times
Brandt, Harry, New York; president,
Brandt Theaters
Carter, Hodding, Greenville, Miss.;
editor, Democratic Times
Cluck, Jack R., Seattle; chairman,
Progressive Citizens of Washington
Davis, William H, New York; wartime
chairman, National War Labor Board
* Douglas, Emily Taft, Chicago;
Congresswoman from Illinois
* Douglas, Paul, Chicago; professor,
University of Chicago; U.S. Senator
Erickson, Leif, Helena, Mont.; judge,
Graham, Dr. Frank, Chapel Hill,
N.C.; president, University of
North Carolina; U.S. Senator
Harrison, Marvin C., Cleveland;
attorney; Senatorial candidate
* Heimann, Dr. Edward, New York;
dean, Graduate Faculty, New
School for Social Research (NSSR)
Howell Charles R., Trenton, N.J.;
businessman; congressional
candidate, Congressman
Hoyt, Palmer, Denver; publisher of
the Denver Post
Kuenzli, Irvin R., Chicago; secretary
treasurer, American Federation of
* Lehman, Herbert H., New York; former
Governor of New York; U.S. Senator
* Rogers, Will, Jr., Beverly Hills, Calif.
Smith, Louis P., Boston; treasurer,
Massachusetts Independent Voters League
Steinberg, Rabbi Milton, New York;
Park Ave. Synagogue
Sweetland, Monroe, Molalla, Oreg.;
publisher, Molalla Pioneer
Williams, Aubrey, Montgomery, Ala.;
Editor, Southern Farmer
Withers, William, New York; Chairman,
Division Social Sciences, Queens College


Partial list of ADA members, past or present, in the Kennedy-Johnson
Administration between September, 1961 and June, 1962. (Los Angeles
Times, Washington Bureau. )

Aiken, (Mrs.) Jim G.
Congressional Liaison Officer
Baker, John A.
Department of Agriculture
Belen, Frederic C.
Post Office Department-Operations Section
Bingham, Jonathan B.
U.S. Mission to the United Nations
Bowles, Chester
Department of State-Special Adviser to the President
Cohen, Wilbur J.
Department of Health, Education and Welfare
Conway, Jack T.
Housing and Home Finance Agency
Coombs, Philip
Department of State-Assistant Secretary
Cox, Archibald
Solicitor General
Docking, George
Export-Import Bank
Donahue, Charles
Department of Labor-Solicitor
Elman, Philip
Federal Trade Commission
Finletter, Thomas K.
Department of State-Special Missions
Freeman, Orville
Secretary of Agriculture
Fowler, Henry H.
Under Secretary of the Treasury
Galbraith, John K.
Ambassador to India
Goldberg, Arthur J.
Secretary of Labor
Lewis, Robert G
Commodity Credit Corporation-Department of
Loeb, James Jr.
Ambassador to Peru
Louchheim, Katie
Department of State
McCulloch, Frank W.
Chairman-National Labor Relations Board
Morgan, Howard
Federal Power Commission
Murphy, Charles
Department of Agriculture-Commodity Credit
Peterson, Esther
Assistant Secretary of Labor
Reeves, Frank D.
Commissioner, D.C. (Withdrawn)
Ribicoff, Abraham A.
Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare
Schlesinger, Arthur, Jr.
Assistant to the President
Sorensen, Theodore
Assistant to the President
* Stevenson, Adlai
Special Missions, United Nations
(Denied Membership in ADA)
Stoddard, Charles S.
Department of the Interior
Taylor, William L.
Civil Rights Commissions

Weaver, George L. P.
International Labor Affairs-Department of Labor
Weaver, Robert C.
Housing and Home Finance Agency
Williams, G. Mennen
Department of State
Wofford, Harrison
Special Assistant to the President
Woolner, Sidney
Housing and Home Finance Agency
* Associated with Independent Voters of Illinois, an ADA affiliate.

Epilogue <<

Epilogue: The Moving Finger Writes

Epilogue for the book Fabian Freeway.

Sweet are the uses and perquisites of political office, even for those who declare their sole aim is to free humanity from its age-old burden of misery. In America, Hubert Humphrey, whose heart bleeds publicly for the poor of all nations, finds a $750,000 tax free mansion ordered for his vice presidential comfort by an ADA-controlled majority in the Congress. In Britain, Harold Wilson coolly invites the leaders of Socialist parties from fourteen countries, many like himself already holding top government posts, to meet at Chequers, traditional country home of British prime ministers.

With unintentional humor British newspapers hailed that event as a diplomatic coup—as if Harold Wilson, sometimes accompanied by Hubert Humphrey, had not been meeting on the Continent with the same Socialist leaders for years. Recognizing the revolutionary import of the new locale, Socialist International Information for May, 1965 headlined the conference “Socialist Summit at Chequers.” Even the usually conservative Times of London commented in a leading article on April 26,1965, “If Western Europe is to be led by Socialists, that may prove to have been a very useful beginning.”

As international Socialism, open or disguised, moves steadily into positions of power, its chief spokesmen and political agents present an increasingly bland front to the world. This phenomenon was noted by Zigmunt Zaremba, chairman-in-exile of the Socialist Union of Eastern Europe and a Socialist member of the Polish Parliament before World War II. Attending the Eighth Congress of the Socialist International at Amsterdam in 1963, he reported that “eminent party leaders, one after another, came to the rostrum to express, most cautiously, their parties’ attitude toward important political questions, carefully skirting those questions which were ‘premature.'”

“The Congress,” wrote Zaremba in an article reprinted in the U.S. Socialist quarterly, New Politics (Winter, 1964), “was clearly a gathering of those who held high office in their countries and those who hoped to do so shortly.” (1) And he went on to say:

“Only those questions on which there was already a consensus were brought to the floor for discussion and decision. These included disarmament and aid to the underdeveloped countries. Minor resolutions on France, Spain Russian anti-Semitism, racism and civil rights struggles in the USA, and imprisonment of Socialist leaders by Communist-bloc countries were passed unanimously.

“But behind the facade a whole series of questions was heatedly discussed. From the platform, only Guy Mollet [chairman of the French Socialist Party] touched on the question of the relationship of socialist and Communist movements in the present period. Behind the scenes, however, this question was the central issue of the discussions of the Central European Study Group and the Socialist Union of Eastern Europe.”

For Socialist leaders, using the machinery of universal suffrage to gain and hold political power, special caution appears to be indicated as they round the bend heading toward an international federation of Socialist states. Because deep-rooted sentiments of patriotism, national honor and personal independence still animate a great many voters in a great many countries, every effort must be made by international Socialists to obscure the fact that the political and economic bases for such sentiments are being obliterated as rapidly as possible.

Just as a majority of citizens in the later Roman Empire never realized the Empire had fallen, because the outward forms of imperial government persisted several centuries longer; so the peoples of the so-called Free World are not to be made aware that their world is becoming progressively less free. “Socialism is about equality and freedom,” insists Peter Townsend, chairman of the Fabian Society for 1965-66. (2) But George Bernard Shaw knew better. He knew the role that coercion must play in any Socialist scheme of things, and perhaps Peter Townsend does, too.

Meanwhile, whole populations are being conditioned to regard Socialist norms as normal, in preparation for a day when the leaders may more openly reveal their hands. Practical acceptance of many Socialist programs has been obtained, for the most part, by making shrewdly calculated appeals to the immediate interests of key groups and individuals, appeals which are invariably swathed in high humanitarian phrases. By now this technique has reached a point at which as one cynic observed, humanitarianism is the last refuge of the scoundrel.

Particularly in England and the United States where the public is indifferent to ideology, the psychological approach is used, as was suggested long ago by the British Fabian, Graham Wallas, in his book The Great Society. Developed in depth over the years by Fabian-inspired researchers, that method has been graded and refined with a view to reaching every level of modern society—labor, business, the professions, the bureaucracy, senior citizens, career-minded youth, even pre-school children. It calls for the permeation of colleges, universities, and religious seminaries by Fabian Socialist-oriented educators and administrators, as well as the introduction of uniform “standards” and “guidelines” into federally financed educational systems. For total effect, it requires total control of communications and entertainment media, a state of affairs already in being, if not in full force.

The professor is still the main channel through which the Fabian Socialist outlook percolates to society at large. As the venerable Walter Lippmann said, in a keynote speech opening “The University in America” Convocation at Los Angeles in May, 1966: “Professors have become in the modem world the best available source of guidance and authority in the field of knowledge . . . There is no other court to which men can turn and find what they once found in tradition and custom. Because modern man in his search for truth has turned away from kings, priests, commissars and bureaucrats, he is left, for better or worse, with the professor.” (3) The gathering which Lippmann addressed that night included some 1,500 persons, among them presidents, deans and faculty members as well as bright students of the leading American universities. It was sponsored and steered by the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions—offshoot of an offshoot of the Ford Foundation whose president was Professor McGeorge Bundy, former instructor and guide of American Presidents.

So the long-range plan, artlessly set in motion by a little group of serious thinkers meeting at 17 Osnaburgh Street, London, more than eighty years before and patiently pursued by three generations of respectable Fabian Socialists, moved smoothly toward its destined conclusion. With the clear-cut victory of the Fabian-led Labour Party in the 1966 British elections and the repeated success of the Johnson-Humphrey Administration in pushing one welfare state measure after another through the United States Congress, official cooperation between the two major English-speaking nations for the advancement of Socialism promised to reach new heights. The irony of it was, that as the de facto policies and actions of the heads of state leaned more and more strongly to the Left, their personal reputation for moderation soared.

Although Prime Minister Wilson’s new government contained an even larger percentage of identifiable Fabians than before, (4) he was nearly always described in the general press as a right wing Socialist —really, hardly radical at all. Those hard-core Fabian Socialists who filled the Cabinet and the junior Ministries to the exclusion of simple Labourites presumably served as a kind of Loyal Opposition within the government they operated.

As if to confuse the picture still more, Peter Townsend’s New Year’s Message to the Society had warned the Wilson government against giving an impression of being bogged down by short-term problems at the expense of long-range Socialist objectives. He told Fabians that “they will serve the Government far better as demanding, if sympathetic, critics than as captive apologists.” (5) Since it would be decidedly awkward for members of the Government to take such a stand, one must infer that the chairman’s message was addressed to rank-and-file Fabians in private life. They were urged to bring pressure on their coy leaders to do what the latter eagerly desired but preferred to do as though yielding to popular demand.

On the other side of the Atlantic, President Johnson fathered a whole flock of legislative acts, from Civil Rights to Federal-Aid-to-Education to Medicare, acts which had been plugged for years in both ADA and Socialist Party platforms. He pushed Keynesian-type deficit spending to breathtaking altitudes, and talked of extending the anti-poverty war—by then, costing well over one billion dollars a year at home—to the farthest corners of the earth. In matters of foreign trade and nuclear disarmament he offered fresh concessions to the Soviet bloc; while his alternately hot-and-cold Asian policy aided Moscow in its acrid and often deceptive dialogue with the Chinese Reds. Meanwhile, the “dialogue,” blown up, by Leftist propaganda, to the stature of a “split,” was something from which naive freemen could extract passing comfort.

In a paternal mood, Johnson even commended the United Nations Children’s Fund for having transformed Halloween into “a program of basic training in world citizenship.”(6) And yet Johnson was consistently referred to in the public prints as a moderate with conservative leanings, who basked in the support of the business community.

It is true that a select number of business executives had come to accept the Administration’s post-Keynesian economics, in somewhat the same spirit as the New England transcendentalist, Margaret Fuller, once announced, “I accept the Universe!” Their conversion was due in part to the good offices of the Committee for Economic Development—an admitted affiliate of London’s Fabian-inspired PEP (Political and Economic Planning), which now operated on a world-wide scale to secure the cooperation of management during the current period of peaceful transition to Socialism. Not unnaturally, such business leaders enjoyed Administration favor, and reciprocated with favors of their own in campaign season.

This did not deter LBJ, however, from attempting to shift the blame for looming inflation, provoked by his Administration’s prodigality, on his “friends” of the business community. Sternly the President told the U.S. Chamber of Commerce that if businessmen failed to keep rising prices down, they must expect to pay higher wages and higher taxes. It was the smoothest propaganda trick of a political year!

If in some respects, the President taxed the tolerance of his business supporters, his martial gestures in Vietnam proved no less a trial to his backers of the ADA. But they, too, remained sympathetic critics of LBJ, giving him credit for services rendered on the domestic front. In voting at their 1966 convention to disapprove the Administration’s military policy in Vietnam, Americans for Democratic Action denounced the sin while continuing to love the sinner.

No one attending that convention and hearing Vice President Humphrey’s pained defense of the Government’s Vietnam policy doubted that he was really suffering, or failed to interpret his speech as a sacrifice on the altar of political necessity. Behind the scenes, it might well have been pointed out that two of the very same officials who had provoked the Korean War and then maneuvered it to a stalemate were once more directing U.S. Asian policy: Dean Acheson and Dean Rusk. Surely their skills could be relied upon to avert an American victory in Vietnam, if only by the simple device of sending too many troops to the scene and keeping military hardware in short supply.

Had not Rusk already intimated that a happy end-result of the bloodshed in Vietnam could be the eventual recognition of Red China, an event long and earnestly desired by the Fabian-begotten ADA? Although Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. gallantly volunteered to supplant Secretary Rusk as a presidential adviser, his offer was interpreted as a bit of high-level buffoonery—possibly designed to remind fellow-Fabians that any man is replaceable, if not expendable. Whether one graduate or another of the British Fabians’ finishing school process was in charge, in the long run it made little difference, except perhaps to the individuals concerned.

Meanwhile Rhodes Scholars still manned the international ramparts in Washington. Walt Whitman Rostow of MIT’s Center for International Studies (reputed to have been started with $300,000 worth of CIA money) was back at the White House again. Harlan Cleveland held forth as U.S. Ambassador to NATO. On the home front Nicholas deBelleville Katzenbach—who married a daughter of the Phelps Stokes clan, one of the founding families of the Fabian Socialist movement in America—had moved up to first place at the Department of Justice.

Like those other old Oxonians with whom he conferred from time to time in Washington, Britain’s Prime Minister Harold Wilson claimed to support U.S. policy in Vietnam. But it hardly seemed more than lip service, in view of the fact that British merchant vessels docked regularly in North Vietnam ports and British companies engaged in trade with Hanoi. Though the Wilson government procured United Nations authority for the British Navy to seize and search ships on the high seas which were bound for Rhodesia, this privilege was not expected to apply to the Southeast Asian trade.

From the first, Harold Wilson appeared to favor negotiation as a means of ending the Vietnam conflict. His initial peace-feeler took the form of a visit to Hanoi by Harold Davies, M.P., a minor official in the Wilson government. Davies was an admirer of President Ho Chi Minh, who as far back as 1924 declared at a Communist International Congress, “I am a French colonial and a member of the French Communist Party.” (7) On the same occasion Uncle Ho, falsely represented today in Leftist propaganda as leading a national independence movement like George Washington, stated plainly:

“According to Lenin, the victory of the revolution in Western Europe depended on its close contact with the liberation movement against imperialism in enslaved countries and with the national question, both of which form a part of the common problem of the proletarian movement and dictatorship.” (8)

Since those remarks were republished in Hanoi as recently as 1960, there is no reason to believe Ho Chi Minh has changed his stripes from that day to this.

Harold Davies, M.P. could look forward to a warm personal welcome in Hanoi, having written an enthusiastic article about the Northern Republic which appeared in the Left Wing French publication, Horizons, for December, 1957. It was quoted three years later in a little giveaway volume issued by Hanoi’s Foreign Languages Publishing House and rather confusingly entitled The Democratic Republic of Viet Nam, 1945-1960: Impressions of Foreigners (p. 63). When his unofficial peace mission produced no visible results, Davies quietly returned to his post as parliamentary secretary to the Ministry of Pensions and National Insurance in London.(9)

So the question of the relationship between the Socialist and Communist movements in the present day—a question that only Guy Mollet of the French Socialist Party had ventured to broach publicly —becomes meaningful for Americans. While on the surface that relationship seems variable enough, its true nature and extent is still one of the best kept secrets of two highly secretive world organizations. Any public statements on the subject by leaders of the twin Internationals may be dismissed as inevitably misleading. Any inferences must be drawn from the facts of history itself, which records again and again the peculiarly protective attitude of the Socialists toward the Communist bloc nations and their agents and the great degree of sustained collaboration.

The Socialist and Communist world movements are like the two faces of a coin—not identical, yet inseparable. Sometimes one side appears uppermost, sometimes the other; but at the core they are still one. Which side of this counterfeit coin might face up at a given time, probably depends upon the circumstances of the moment. It is, of course, to the interest of every man, woman and child in America, desiring personal liberty in a free and sovereign nation, that the fraudulent nature of this coin be recognized and exposed so that we may be forever spared the necessity of making such a spurious choice.

One by one, the costliest and most highly prized nuclear secrets of the United States, on which the peace and safety of the whole Free World depend, have been delivered to the Soviet military clique, as a result of the consistently permissive temper of British and American Fabian Socialists toward Communist activists. Published hearings of the Subcommittee on Internal Security of the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary demonstrate that today, as in the age of Roosevelt, the most elementary security precautions have been scrapped by a Fabian-dominated Administration indisposed to keep Communist operatives from entering the country or to deny them the privileges accorded to loyal American citizens.

At the popular level, it is evident that something resembling the United Front movement of the pre-World War II years has been revived, to exert pressure on Socialist-oriented governments in matters of peace and disarmament. How broad this movement is may be gathered from an International Peace/Disarmament Directory compiled in 1962 by one Lloyd Wilkie of Yellow Springs, Ohio. Without claiming to include the names and addresses of all organizations working in one way or another for “peace,” it lists more than six hundred groups and subgroups throughout the world and more than one hundred periodicals. They include academic, scientific, religious and merely agitational groups, ranging from end to end of the political spectrum.

Of course, the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom—founded long ago by the Chicago Socialist Jane Addams and conveniently used as a cover by illegal U.S. Communists in the nineteen-twenties—is there with all its branches. The Council on Foreign Relations is listed, as well as its opposite number in Britain, The Royal Institute of International Affairs. Both the Communist and Socialist Parties USA are named, as well as the ADA; but the two major American political parties are slighted. The Catholic Worker is cited, but the Vatican’s peace efforts are discreetly overlooked.

The author explains he has played no favorites, and suggests that the inquiring reader learn the various shades of difference for himself, by getting in touch with as many of these groups and periodicals as he sees fit. To a casual observer, it is instructive to note how many of the national peace movements in foreign countries are affiliated with the World Council of Peace, chaired in 1962 by Professor J. D. Bernal, 94 Charlotte Street, London W-1. Even to reach the chairman of the Soviet Peace Committee, N. Tikhonov, whose local address was not available at press time, one was referred to the World Council of Peace in London.

While peace is undoubtedly wonderful, the motives of those who organize so-called peace movements and peace demonstrations of varied degrees of violence, are often suspect. In the past as in the present, pacifist groups have been used at critical moments to promote defeatism and to paralyze a nation’s will to defend itself. One of the more striking historical examples was the so-called Bonnet Rouge Conspiracy, in which French Socialists participated during World War I, and which led one French regiment after another to lay down its arms in the face of an advancing enemy.

In the present atomic era the chief effort of international peace and disarmament groups seems to be directed at inducing the United States to renounce its role as an atomic power, thereby leaving the Soviet Union supreme in the field. One can only speculate as to how far the veiled disarmament propaganda, purveyed by such high-level Fabian-inspired agencies as the Council on Foreign Relations and the American Assembly, influenced the nuclear pause proclaimed in 1961 by President Kennedy; or the decision of Secretary McNamara in 1964 to cancel the nuclear strategy of NATO without consulting his European Allies. In the final analysis, World Government under Socialist rulers becomes the pacific sea toward which all tributary movements flow.

With the end so nearly achieved, it seems more than ever unfair that the American people should not be permitted to know the identity of their betrayers. In almost every other country of the Free World, Socialism operates openly as a political party, and frequently is the ruling party. Here in America both the Socialist Party and the Socialist Labor Party are small and weak, and merely serve to delude the public into believing there is little to fear from that quarter. Yet the unseen and unacknowledged Fabian Socialist movement, whose American practitioners call themselves liberals or progressives, has access in the United States to greater sources of wealth and power than anywhere else on earth. It has penetrated multi-billion dollar tax free foundations, and manipulates the U.S. Treasury itself. Precisely because its leaders are not known for what they are, they occupy a great many key posts in government today and act invisibly in union with alien masterminds to dissolve the strength and substance of this nation.

Though the situation is acutely dangerous for a land that was liberty’s true home, it is not necessarily hopeless. The answer was supplied by a relatively unschooled American, General Andrew Jackson, who fought in his own day to make America free and great. Perhaps it is only a legend, unknown to such sophisticated scholars as Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., but it became a tradition among professional military men of an earlier era.

Just before the Battle of New Orleans, we are told, an unusually dense fog descended on the fields outside the city, where General Jackson’s army was to make its stand. As he rode out to inspect his ill-equipped troops, a young soldier spoke up.

“But General, sir,” said the boy, “how can I fight and defend myself against an enemy I can’t see?”

“Sooner or later, your enemy will show himself,” replied the General, “and you will know what to do.” Then, looking upward a moment as if for guidance, he added: “And in your future life, if you survive this—and by God, you will!—you will be confronted by many unseen enemies of your hard-fought liberty. But they will show themselves in time—time enough to destroy them.”


1. Italics added, then removed.

2. “Chairman’s Message,” Fabian News (January, 1966). (The author of that Message is not the same Peter Townsend who was once Princess Margaret’s suitor.)

3. Los Angeles Times (May 8, 1966).

4. Fabian News (April-May, 1966), announced there were 28 new Fabian Members of Parliament, and again printed a list of Labour Government appointments which identified present, though not past, members of the Fabian Society. It also listed, under the heading “New Fabian Appointments,” the following:

Dick Marsh, a former member of the Executive Committee and an active member, of the Society’s Trade Union Group, becomes the youngest member of the Cabinet at 38.

Eirene White, a former Chairman of the Society becomes the first woman Foreign Office Minister.

George Thomson, former chairman of the “Venture” Editorial Board, Summer School Director, etc., has been appointed Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, with special responsibility for political negotiations for the entry of the country into the Common Market.

Reg Prentice, another former member of the Executive Committee has become Minister of Works.

5. Fabian News (January, 1966).

6. Congressional Record (March 7, 1966), p. 4829.

7. “Report on the National and Colonial Questions at the Fifth Congress of the Communist International,” Selected Works of Ho Chi Minh (Hanoi, Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1960), Vol. I, p. 143.

8. Ibid., pp. 143-144.

9. Davies’ name appears in this connection on the Government appointments lists released by the British Information Service as I. D. 702 (November, 1964 and April, 1966).

Chapter 21 << | >> Appendices

Chapter 21-The Commanding Heights

Chapter 21 of the book Fabian Freeway.

The 1960 election campaign in the United States marked the first successful attempt of Left liberals, by then firmly lodged in the Democratic Party organization throughout the country, to regain such unobstructed access to the power of the Presidency as they enjoyed in the Roosevelt era.(1) That, after all, was an initial reason for founding Americans for Democratic Action, as some of its best friends have pointed out.

Three choices were offered in the Democratic primaries, with Adlai Stevenson a sentimental fourth, although he seemed to have little serious desire to run again in the grand national handicap. It looked like a genuine horse race for the nomination; but in retrospect is discovered to have been what sports fans call a “boat race.” No matter which of the aspirants won, ADA would collect on the ticket. Even Lyndon Johnson, billed as the white hope of southern conservatives, had in fact been sired by the New Deal. Moreover, there were enough fiscal and electioneering irregularities in his background to guarantee his docility in the unlikely event that he gained the 1960 Presidential nomination.

Supposedly, a primary in the United States is wholly the personal affair of the candidates, with the party organizations coming into play only after the nomination has been made. Since ADA was not a political party, however, but merely a fraction within the Democratic Party, it appears to have acted from the start to control the selection of the nominees.

In the primary race, Senators Hubert Humphrey and John F. Kennedy ran as an entry, with the former serving as the unwitting pacemaker. Both were led to the post by trusty ADA grooms. David C. Williams took leave from the ADA World to write his friend Humphreys campaign speeches, insuring their impeccable Fabian Socialist color. Senator Kennedy, generally considered an “outsider,” had a larger and more vigilant stable crew. It numbered at least three ADA founders: Gardner (Pat) Jackson, an old New Dealer hired for young Kennedy by his father; Monroe Sweetland, of the League for Industrial Democracy; and that improper Bostonian, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.

At a later date this circle was enlarged to include another ADA founder, the Canadian-born Professor J. Kenneth Galbraith, an authority on the evils of affluence; the socially acceptable Paul Nitze, an adviser on military policy and the nonexistent missile gap; and Littauer Professor Seymour E. Harris, grand master of the mysteries of Keynesian economics and finance. Harris was also the co-author of an ADA-sponsored pamphlet on Medicare, and in 1962 would produce a study on the costs of higher education, which he judged should exceed 9.2 billion dollars annually by 1969-70.(2)

Meanwhile former Student ADA-ers Theodore Sorenson and Larry O’Brien served as leg-men and exercise boys, recruiting swarms of crisp, crew cut assistants for every local headquarters. A well-schooled ADA member, Professor James MacGregor Burns of Williams—who had taken a special course of study at the London School of Economics (3) in 1949—was to write Kennedy’s official campaign biography. Despite his own and his family’s great wealth, Senator Kennedy did

not possess enough intra-Party strength of his own to afford the luxury of independence.

In the Wisconsin and West Virginia primary sprints Hubert Humphrey forced his younger rival, John F. Kennedy (not previously known for any consistent political philosophy) to equal and outstrip him in liberal sentiments. While Humphrey’s campaign was brief and afflicted by money troubles, apparently he was not informed in advance of his peacemaking role: he desperately wanted to be President. At the Democratic National Convention—with tears in his eyes, for he tended to weep like a child under stress—Humphrey was finally persuaded by Joseph Rauh, Jr. to throw his support to Kennedy. As a consolation prize Hubert would be made Democratic whip of the Senate and permitted to name his former assistant, Orville Freeman, Secretary of Agriculture in the Kennedy-Johnson Administration.

A reliable tip on the primary results was volunteered, as early as March, 1960, by the knowing Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. To a sympathetic newspaperman, James Reston, he confided: “Nostalgically I am for Stevenson; ideologically I am for Humphrey; but realistically I am for Kennedy.” From the moment the Democratic Convention opened in Los Angeles, it was clear to all but the most unrealistic observers that Kennedy was the predestined winner.

Despite his youth and less than distinguished performance in the Senate, he had many points to recommend him to a star-struck electorate. John F. Kennedy had the clean-cut, photogenic good looks of a motion picture hero, in addition to charm and breeding. In World War II he had served with the Navy’s daredevil torpedo boat fleet in the Pacific and suffered enduring wounds. Having produced several best-selling books, he was considered an author and presumably an intellectual; yet he was actively interested in sports. Moreover, he had a devoted family, able and willing to spend an unlimited amount of money to put one of its sons in the White House. All this, and heaven, too: Kennedy was certain he could deliver the Catholic vote. (4)

With his family and religious background, who would ever believe John F. Kennedy was committed before his nomination to carrying out a Fabian Socialist program? Even Left liberals were incredulous. Did not Pope Pius XI declare in 1931: “No man can be at the same time a sincere Catholic and a true Socialist?” (5) At the Los Angeles Convention Joseph-Rauh, Jr., known as Walter Reuther’s man, had some difficulty inducing bewildered ADA purists to cast their votes for Kennedy.

Rauh said he believed Kennedy to be a liberal, (6) and doubtless he had reasons. As ADA’s key man on the platform committee, Rauh knew very well that the Democratic Party’s radical platform was written months before the National Convention. By April, 1960, Kennedy had an opportunity to see it in nearly final form.(7) Far from objecting to its contents, Kennedy told Rauh that he wanted above all things to campaign on a liberal platform. (8) What else may have been said at the time is not reported. One thing, however, is sure. To win the affirmative backing of ADA’s top brain trusters and of left wing union leaders trained to drive hard bargains—and through these, to gain the practical support of the Democratic Party organization—substantial assurances were required.

Perhaps the sharpest opposition to Kennedy within ADA came from its honorary president, Eleanor Roosevelt. Apparently, she nursed some resentment both on ideological and personal grounds against his father, former Ambassador Joseph P. Kennedy. Eleanor Roosevelt’s chief reason, however, for mistrusting Senator Kennedy was his failure to have taken a stand against Senator Joseph McCarthy, bane of orthodox Left liberals and Communists in the fifties. From 1948, McCarthy had carried on what seemed at times to be a one-man campaign to alert the country to the dangers of Communist infiltration in government. In the process, he seriously alarmed Fabian Socialists who feared they might be the next to be exposed.(9)

Americans for Democratic Action waged a tireless vendetta against McCarthy through every medium at its command, even publishing and selling thousands of copies of a Senate Subcommittee report on the Senator’s personal finances.(10) In Britain the New Statesman and other Fabian Socialist-edited journals expressed shocked indignation at that man from Wisconsin who, according to them, was imperiling the American Bill of Rights—a document for which foreign as well as home-grown leftists often profess a touching concern. The agitation in educated circles on both sides of the Atlantic culminated in a resolution of censure against McCarthy by the U.S. Senate. ADA claimed and still claims today to have been primarily responsible for that propaganda coup. If so, it was surely one of the strangest cases of political lobbying in congressional history. Analysis suggests that the Senate’s 1954 resolution against McCarthy was im the nature of a test vote, demonstrating ADA’s dominance in the Democratic Party organization as well as its influence on liberal Republicans.

As a young congressman, Kennedy had originally represented a working-class district in Boston made up almost entirely of Irish Catholic voters. They abhorred Communism and idolized McCarthy, Republican though he was. In those days, Kennedy was outspokenly anti-Communist in foreign affairs; but voted affirmatively with the liberals on Federal spending and labor bills affecting his constituents. His father’s hail-fellow-well-met friendship with McCarthy was a distinct asset to Kennedy in Massachusetts. To some degree, John F. Kennedy owed his own election as Senator in 1952 to McCarthy, who failed to go to Massachusetts that year and campaign for Kennedy’s Republican opponent, Henry Cabot Lodge.

When the resolution to censure McCarthy came up two years later in the Senate, Kennedy’s voice was not heard. Being hospitalized at the time, he could not be present—though he could, of course, have paired his vote. For this McCarthy’s friends never forgave Kennedy, and neither did aggravated liberals like Eleanor Roosevelt. After his Pulitzer Prize winning book, Profiles in Courage, appeared in 1956, Eleanor Roosevelt is said to have commented that “Mr. Kennedy should show more courage and less profile”—an unkind reference to the rumor that the Kennedy nose, broken years before in football, had been quietly remodeled by plastic surgery during his long stay in the hospital.

Sensitive as he was to criticism, somehow it was the barbs from the Left that disturbed him most. “What did they want me to do, commit hara-kiri?” he asked a reporter. Apparently, the more practical politicians in ADA realized it would have meant political suicide in Massachusetts for Kennedy to speak out against McCarthy, and accepted his neutrality as a mark of deference to their side. Though Kennedy had been quoted in 1953 by the Saturday Evening Post as saying of Americans for Democratic Action, “I don’t feel comfortable with those people,” as time went on he learned to suffer them more gladly. In part, his increased cordiality seems to have been due to the discreet efforts of his aides, Theodore Sorenson and Lawrence O’Brien; in part, to his own discovery that ADA held the whip hand in the Democratic Party.

That uncomfortable fact was impressed upon Kennedy in 1956, when he tried and failed to win the Democratic nomination for the Vice Presidency. It was a fact to be seriously considered by a young man in a hurry, whose fond parents, brothers and sisters quite literally expected him to become President of the United States. In token of his improving relations with the liberal Left, the New Leader for May 18, 1957, printed a well-advertised book review by Senator John F. Kennedy. It gave favorable notice to a liberally slanted history of the U.S. Senate, written by a political commentator who later became an ardent apologist for the Kennedy-Johnson Administration.(11)

In September, 1959, when Kennedy had already begun to look like a serious Presidential contender, Allen Taylor, director of the New York State ADA, thoughtfully sent Ted Sorenson a long memorandum entitled, “Liberals’ Doubts About Kennedy, and How to Handle Them.” (12) Evidently Kennedy learned how; and it was a costly lesson. Not all the Kennedy family wealth, estimated at several hundred millions, could have paid for it. The price was his personal independence.

On January 20,1961, John F. Kennedy was sworn in as the thirty-fifth President of the United States. He had achieved the heights; but he had done so by one of the slimmest popular margins ever claimed for a victorious candidate, a mere 119,000 votes, in an election still regarded as doubtful by sober historians. Kennedy’s inaugural speech, for which he is perhaps best remembered, summoned the United States to “a long twilit struggle . . . against the common enemies of mankind . . . tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.” Surely a noble sentiment, if pursued by Constitutional means and without destruction of the country’s internal order, or national sovereignty.

Fired by the drama of the occasion and the beauty of the youthful President’s rhetoric, few listeners asked by what means that global struggle would be waged. As months went by, the inference deepened that anyone who ventured to question the methods and underlying aims of the new Administration was a cold-blooded advocate of tyranny, poverty, disease and war. The questioners have now been silenced by the tragic circumstance that John F. Kennedy was assassinated less than three years after becoming President. Apparently he was shot by a young assassin from the ranks of the Far Left whose motives and connections have not yet been fully explained.

Exploiting the natural grief of JFK’s widow and relatives, as well as the emotions of a shocked American public, the same Left liberal clique that helped put Kennedy in the White House endowed him with a halo of martyrdom. For month after month leading to the national elections of 1964, every form of heart-appeal that could be devised by Fabian experts in mass psychology was utilized to keep sorrowing voters faithful to the Party of JFK. The same elite corps of Left liberal intellectuals, who had surrounded him as President, now sought to perpetuate themselves or their alternates in power by perpetuating the memory of John K. Kennedy—not quite as he was, but as a golden memory. De mortuis nil nisi bonum. During the last years of his short but crowded lifetime, John F. Kennedy was sometimes compared by informed observers to Britain’s leading Catholic Fabian, Lord Francis Pakenham. Both were Christian gentlemen of inherited wealth, secure social position and Gaelic antecedents—although Pakenham came from a long line of Anglo-Irish landlords, and Kennedy from Irish peasant stock. Both had style, grace and good manners, though, of the two, Kennedy was far better looking. They were frankly but not crudely ambitious. While they might normally have been expected to find their habitat in conservative politics, both found they could go farther faster by allying themselves with the Fabian Socialist movement.

Pakenham became a convinced Marxist by joining the Oxford City Labour Party of the middle thirties where, as he has said, the name of Marx was on the tongue of every student and don.(13) Kenney absorbed the Keynesian outlook almost imperceptibly at Harvard College–after some desultory training at the London School of Economics, which his biographers usually took pains to minimize. Yet both were prominent Catholic laymen, Kennedy by birth and Pakenham by conversion. Neither seemed to perceive any conflict between the exercise of Catholic piety and the aims of international Socialism; even though one Papal Encyclical after another has affirmed that the right to own productive property and enjoy its fruits is among the natural rights of mankind. Both were adroit, quick-witted but not serious thinkers, and depended on others for ideas.

At the request of the Fabian Socialist Prime Minister, Clement Attlee, Pakenham was made a peer, Lord-in-Waiting and Privy Councillor, so that he could aid the Labour Party in the House of Lords. On being elevated to his new estate, he was received by the monarch, King George VI. It was a curious and moving encounter, the significance of which somehow escaped Lord Pakenham. He has told how the King looked at him long and penetratingly, and after a pause said suddenly: “Why did you . . . join them?” (14) The same question might have been asked about John F. Kennedy.

Historically, the Kennedy-Johnson Administration took office pledged to the most outspokenly radical program ever sponsored by an old-line political party in the United States. For publicity purposes the Administration was known as the New Frontier. The label was mystifying as applied to a casually elegant young man from Massachusetts, whose entourage was heavily weighted with doctors of philosophy from the Ivy League universities. Hardly anyone—except the oldest New Dealers, and a few scholars in the Anglo-American section of Fabian Research—remembered that the Progressive left-winger, Henry Wallace, once wrote a book called New Frontiers.

Published in 1934, New Frontiers restated in glowing terms the philosophy and objectives of the New Deal, where—as the veteran Fabian Socialist, Harry Laidler has affirmed—one Socialist demand after another was gratified. “We need now,” wrote Wallace, “to re-define property rights in a way that will fairly meet the realities of today.” (15) Americans, he said, must abandon the frugality, competitive spirit and individualism of the Old Frontier, where men, “whether Protestant or Catholic, accepted implicitly the Protestant ethic.” (16)

On the New Frontier to come, Wallace said, “socially disciplined” men will work cooperatively to increase the wealth of the human race and apply their inventive skill to changing society itself. They will modify the governmental and political machinery, as well as the monetary and price system, to achieve “a far wider possibility of social justice and social charity” in the world. “So enlisted,” wrote Wallace, “men may rightfully feel that they are serving a function as high as any minister of the Gospel. They will not be Communists, Socialists or Fascists, but plain men trying to gain by democratic methods the professed objectives of Communists, Socialists or Fascists….”(17) Whatever its name, the imaginary New Frontier described by Henry Wallace sounded very much like old-fashioned Fabian Socialism.

There were at least two old New Dealers on Kennedy’s campaign staff, Gardner Jackson and Monroe Sweetland, who had worked in the Department of Agriculture under Wallace and shared many of his views. Undoubtedly, they remembered his “vision” of the New Frontier. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., who wrote a history of the Roosevelt era, might also have been expected to be familiar with the Wallace book. In searching for a label to use during the Kennedy campaign and after, which implied a Socialist commitment yet seemed merely picturesque to the general public, someone at Kennedy headquarters thought of borrowing the New Frontier tag from Wallace—on the chance that few would identify the source. If the matter ever came up, it could always be explained away as purely coincidental.

After presenting the new Administration with a name, a philosophy and a platform, ADA brain trusters took precautions to make sure their program would be carried out. In the interim between Kennedy’s election and inauguration, appropriate steps were taken to staff the White House and the departments at every level with ADA members, past or present, and their Fabian-schooled allies. Less than three weeks after the Democratic Party’s close victory at the polls, Professor Samuel H. Beer of Harvard, then national chairman of ADA, wrote to congratulate his personal friend, John F. Kennedy.

Beer, described editorially as “professor of Government at Harvard,” had contributed an article to the November, 1956 issue of the British Fabian Journal, entitled ‘Labour Rethinks Its Policy. An American View.” From this, it could at least be inferred that he enjoyed direct contacts

with Britain’s Fabian Socialists.

Beer suggested that the new President’s first public acts should clearly demonstrate his intent to build a New Frontier for America, with the help of “forward-looking” and “imaginative” public servants. Characteristically, competence was not mentioned. Beer’s letter to the President continued boldly:

“ADA has no interest in individuals as such; however, we feel that the appointment to high office of such men as Chester Bowles, Orville Freeman, Adlai Stevenson and G. Mennen Williams will signify to the world your determination to shape your Administration in the image of your eloquent liberal campaign.” (18)

The four individuals named by Beer, and many more ADA favorites, were appointed to serve in the Kennedy-Johnson Administration.

Alert Washington newsmen identified at least three dozen important officials, from Cabinet rank down, as past or present members of Americans for Democratic Action. Professor Brock a friendly witness, not only confirmed the tally; but added that the number of ADA members serving in government posts, high and low, under the Kennedy-Johnson Administration was in reality much larger than even some of its keener critics knew. (19) “The extent of ‘infiltration’,” crowed Brock, “is greater than Senator Goldwater dreams.” Just as every key post in the British Labour Party Government from 1945 to 1951 was admittedly held for some time at least by a member of the Fabian Society, American Fabian Socialists seemed to have achieved somewhat similar status under the Kennedy-Johnson Administration.

While this phenomenon of “infiltration” was frequently noted, in whole or in part, no one could say just how it occurred. Perhaps the simplest and most logical explanation is that the majority of Left liberal appointments were made through routine patronage channels. Anyone familiar with Washington realizes that a President is in somewhat the same situation as an author who receives some ten free copies of his book to give to personal friends and connections, the remainder being distributed in the routine order of business. For the most part, government appointments high and low—not excluding persons who have qualified for the higher civil service ratings—are cleared through the county, state and national committees of the Party in power.

That fact does not relieve a President of responsibility for appointments announced by the White House; but it does indicate the extent of ADA control over the Democratic Party machinery, that is, an extent necessary to place so large a number of handpicked employees in all branches of the Federal Government. Evidently, the relationship of ADA to the Democratic Party in America approximated—if it did not quite equal—that of the London Fabian Society to the British Labour Party.

Most of the top Government spots had been filled by February 10, 1961, when ADA chairman Beer and three colleagues called to pay their respects in person to President Kennedy. For the first time since Truman’s day, representatives of ADA were welcomed as such at the White House. In requesting the interview, Beer had written to the President’s appointment secretary, “I want to make it clear that it is program, not jobs in which we are interested.” After the conference, where economic policy and civil rights were discussed, Beer commented: “We felt that in both fields the President’s objectives were ours, and that he was attempting and would attempt to pursue them just as far as he politically could.” (20)

No public reference was made to mutual aims in the fields of foreign and military policy, relating to world development, cooperation with Communist nations, de facto disarmament and eventual federal union of all nations in a socialized world. Those delicate undertakings were left to selected, Fabian-trained officials and consultants manning the Government at strategic points, who could be depended upon to pursue their objectives systematically in consultation with social democratic officials abroad. White House ghost-writers—better versed in the Fabian classics than in simple arithmetic–even supplied the President with a space age version of the Independence Day comments made by Edward Bellamy in 1892.(21)

In a speech delivered at Independence Hall in Philadelphia (of all places), on July 4, 1962, President Kennedy “virtually proposed to repeal the Declaration of Independence in favor of a declaration of international interdependence.”(22) To a passive and somnolent audience, he declared:

But I will say here and now on this day of independence that the United States will be ready for a Declaration of Interdependence—that we will be prepared to discuss with a United Europe the ways and means of forming a concrete Atlantic Partnership—a mutually beneficial partnership between the new union now emerging in Europe and the old American Union founded here 175 years ago …. Today Americans must learn to think continentally.” (23)

These words were spoken on the 186th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence.

Other echoes of the Cooperative Commonwealth—foretold long ago by Edward Bellamy; father of the American Fabian movement— were revived by friendly Keynesian economists in anticipation of the 1964 election contest. No mention was made of their literary inspiration, which was obvious to Socialists but unknown to the average citizen—namely, Bellamy’s Looking Backward, a novel depicting Socialist America in the year 2000. In March, 1963, a twenty-three man “research team” employed by an organization called Resources for the Future released a 987-page report. It described the material wonders that the common man in America would enjoy in the year 2000. Assuming, of course, that the Keynesian policies adopted by the Kennedy-Johnson Administration were continued indefinitely! Financial support for the “study” was supplied by the Ford Foundation at the expense of the American taxpayer.

By combining Keynesian theory with production and population statistics, and feeding the mixture into electronic computers, the young researchers came up with precise figures on what the year 2000 would hold. Any possibility of war, pestilence or bankruptcy was omitted from their calculations. Economic scarcity would no longer exist in that future America, where atomic reactors would supply only peaceful power, automobiles with wings would outnumber adult citizens, and the average family income would be $11,000 per year (without reference to purchasing power).

Apart from such attention-catching items, an interesting feature of this forecast was its assumption that Federal spending would increase in very much the same ratio as industrial production and Gross National Product. In short, an ever-expanding government would continue to appropriate an overall 20 per cent to 25 per cent of the nation’s annual income. The miraculous pitcher would continue to pour milk and honey without interruption, while the tax pressures under which the average American operates today would simply be multiplied by five.

A demand for continuous economic “growth,” which calls for production to rise each year like a supermarket’s sales figures, was first voiced by New Frontier spokesmen in the 1960 Presidential campaign. It was based upon the latest post-Keynesian mystery: the Gross National Product, officially adopted as an index of prosperity by the Kennedy-Johnson Administration. Just how the Gross National Product itself is computed has never been clearly explained to the public. A clue to the process, however, was offered by Newton N. Minow, an early New Frontiersman who formerly headed the Federal Communications Commission.

At a 1963 symposium arranged in Los Angeles by the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions—wayward grandchild of the Ford Foundation—Minow stated bluntly:

“Nearly fifteen per cent of our national work force is already employed by the local, state or federal government, and this represents almost a third of the gross national product.” (24)

So the Government can increase the Gross National Product at will, by the simple device of hiring more and more public servants— thereby increasing the ranks of an ADA-educated and chosen bureaucracy. A variation of this method of improving the nation’s prosperity-image is to give frequent and substantial pay raises to government and state employees, especially in the higher brackets.

Two assumptions dangerous to the future of constitutional government in America are concealed in the tricky concept of the Gross National Product. First, the notion that government is entitled to take a fixed percentage of the rising national income each year, irrespective of national necessities. And second, that a government has the right to base its budget estimates on the private resources of individuals and companies. Recalling that the original purpose of Keynesian economics was to provide a method for a peaceful transition to Socialism in the United States, it becomes apparent that the economic policy adopted under ADA tutelage by the Kennedy-Johnson Administration, in effect, gives a green light to Socialism on the high speed Fabian Freeway.

Dissembling their joy at the trend of Administration policy, Left liberals outside the Government maintained a critical attitude and continued to call for greater speed. For the most part, their grumbling was confined to their own special groups and house organs—while ADA commentators both on the air and in the daily press strove to rally broad popular support for the Kennedy-Johnson Administration. In the call to its annual convention in May, 1963, Americans for Democratic Action declared gravely that “the record of the Kennedy Administration so far has been one of accommodation to its critics of the right.”

The New Republic commented editorially on June 1, 1963, that “in general the Kennedy performance is less impressive than the Kennedy style.” It even charged the Administration with a lamentable tendency to yield to business pressures. “For example,” said the New Republic, “the admirable goal of the Alliance for Progress (in effect, U.S. sponsorship of a peaceful social revolution) (25) has been compromised by the Administration’s reluctance to tangle with influential business and property interests, both North and South American.”(26) This type of needling by friendly critics was evidently intended to direct the Administration more firmly on the route international Socialism felt it should take.(27) At the same time, such comments helped to disarm conservative critics and to disguise the fact that the Kennedy-Johnson Administration was in reality a chosen instrument of Fabian Socialism.

While giving space to left wing complaints about the Administration, the New Republic ( still considered the opposite number to Britain’s Fabian-edited New Statesman) was usually careful to print an answer by some prominent ADA brain truster. In its issue of May 25, 1963, one Herbert Rowan had expressed the dissatisfaction of certain Keynesian economists at President Kennedy’s apparent unwillingness to spend more money and incur larger deficits. The following week Professor Seymour E. Harris (28) hastened to defend the Administration’s record for liberality—pointing out that from 1953 to 1961 Eisenhower’s annual expenditures rose by 7 billion dollars, while Kennedy’s, in a mere three years, rose by 17 billion dollars! Harris explained in all seriousness that President Kennedy would have been glad to spend more, but was prevented by the temper of Congress from doing so. (29) Whether or not the sniping from the Left had an effect, the annual budget announced by the Kennedy-Johnson Administration nudged 100 billion dollars.

To the New Republics Washington correspondent, who was disturbed about Kennedy’s latter-day overtures to selected business groups, (30) Professor Harris replied that it is still important to maintain the confidence of businessmen. While government must be careful not to yield to their “demands,” said he, there is no harm in speaking kindly to them. By way of authority Harris quoted the oracle of modern Left liberals, John Maynard Keynes, who once wrote in a letter to Franklin D. Roosevelt:

“. . . It is a mistake to think that they [businessmen] are more immoral than politicians. If you work them into the surly, obstinate, terrified mood, of which domestic animals, wrongly handled, are so capable, the nation’s burdens will not get carried to market. . . .”(31)

This humane attitude, so reminiscent of the SPCA, (32) has inspired some false hopes among businessmen, as well as some unfounded fears among Left liberals. It was commended by Keynesian advisers to President Kennedy, as well as to his successor, President Johnson.

Less than six months later all criticism from the Left or the Right was abruptly hushed, when John F. Kennedy was suddenly and inexplicably struck down by an assassin’s bullets. Before the Presidential airplane left Dallas for Washington, carrying the casket of the slain Chief of State, the next Chief Executive had been sworn in. By an unexpected stroke of fate Vice President Lyndon Baines Johnson, whose hopes of reaching the White House appeared to have been permanently dashed in 1960, became the thirty-sixth President of the United States.

The panoply of the late President’s state funeral, and the four-week period of official mourning that followed, veiled the inevitable maneuvers going on behind the scenes to procure continuance of the political status quo. Among the foreign dignitaries who {few to America to pay their final respects to John F. Kennedy was Harold Wilson, Parliamentary Leader of the British Labour Party and acting chairman of the Socialist International. Not unnaturally, Wilson took the opportunity to discuss the probable future with old and loyal friends of the London Fabian Society in Washington, including the aging columnist, Walter Lippmann. Puzzled news correspondents reported that on the return trip from Arlington Cemetery, where John F. Kennedy had just been interred, the new President, Lyndon B. Johnson, made an unscheduled detour. He stopped off for a forty-minute conference at the Georgetown home of Walter Lippmann. (33) From this oddly-timed gesture, the trend of the incoming Administration might have been foreseen.


If anyone doubted that President Johnson meant to continue the Socialist-inspired policies, both foreign and domestic, of his Democratic Party forebears, such uncertainties were speedily resolved by his own public utterances. In January he told the nation: ‘We are going to take all the money that we think is being unnecessarily spent, and take it from the haves and give it to the have-nots.” (34) Addressing the General Assembly of the United Nations, Johnson announced he wanted to see “the Cold War end at once” and especially to see “a New Deal on a world scale” come to developing nations just “as it came to America thirty years ago.” (35) News photographers, who had been instructed that President Johnson’s pictures were to be taken from the left profile only, perceived (as the Richmond News Leader remarked) that his image was better from the left than from the right.

To the great American public, however, always eager to believe the best of an incoming President, the drift of Johnson’s statements was not immediately apparent. Even more than John F. Kennedy ( though for very different reasons) Lyndon B. Johnson, who had been so sharply attacked by Americans for Democratic Action in 1960, seemed an unlikely instrument of the Fabian Socialist world planners. A nonintellectual, whose reading matter for years had been confined to the daily papers, the Congressional Record and tales of early Texas history, he was surely no academic disciple of John Maynard Keynes.

As his biographers reveal, Johnson was a product of the New Deal school of spend-and-elect politics in which Franklin D. Roosevelt had been a past master. On the surface, he appeared to be merely a tall, hard-eyed professional politician from the Southwest, with a long record of wheeling and dealing on Capitol Hill. Johnson, however, revered power in every form and had displayed no hesitation about accumulating it as opportunities arose. Having begun his career as a poor but ambitious graduate of a small Texas teachers’ college, he lacked the style and literary eclat of John F. Kennedy. Nevertheless, Lyndon B. Johnson and his helpmate, Lady Bird, were one of the wealthiest couples in their own right ever to occupy the White House.

Though he made no disclosure of personal assets on taking office, the joint worth of the Johnsons and their daughters was estimated to be no less than 9 million dollars (36) and possibly as much as 15 million dollars.(37) The business acumen of gentle Lady Bird Johnson has been credited with pyramiding a modest inheritance of $67,000 into a handsome fortune, during the twenty-three years her husband served, in an increasingly potent capacity, in Congress. If she was not the beneficiary of special favors incidental to her husband’s position, she may be ranked with Hetty Green as one of the shrewdest women in American financial annals. White House aides insist President Johnson never intervened in his wife’s business affairs, directly or indirectly. According to John Barton of the Washington Star, however, Texans who have had dealings with the Austin, Texas television station— which is owned 84.5 per cent by Lady Bird Johnson and her daughters—are prepared to state otherwise. (38)

Lyndon Baines Johnson first appeared on Capitol Hill in 1931, just before the New Deal dawned. He was employed on the staff of Congressman Richard Kleberg, member of the family that owned the fabulous King Ranch, and a respected leader in south Texas. Although the Congressman was outspokenly critical of the Roosevelt Administration, somehow Johnson managed to inject himself into its good graces. Old inhabitants of Kleberg County and adjacent Texas counties still claim to have knowledge that Johnson betrayed his original benefactor, Dick Kleberg; but no details have ever been made public. At any rate, young Lyndon was appointed Texas director of the National Youth Administration in 1935 and was commended for rare efficiency by Aubrey Williams, its national administrator.

In 1937, Johnson was elected to the House of Representatives on a platform supporting FDR’s Supreme Court packing plan. As a reward, President Roosevelt asked that the freshman lawmaker be assigned to the important Naval Affairs Committee, and thereafter seems to have taken a fatherly interest in his career. “Free Federal money” was invariably forthcoming for projects in Johnson’s home district, assuring his election for five more successive terms. Johnson has since been quoted as saying sentimentally to political audiences, “Franklin D. Roosevelt was a second daddy to me.”

Johnson ran for the United States Senate in 1948, on an anti-union labor plank, and was seated by a scant margin of 87 contested votes. One of his more zealous backers was George Parr of San Diego, Texas, known as the Duke of Duval County. Parr was the political boss and absolute monarch of several Spanish-speaking counties near the Mexican border, where a primitive, gun-toting style of politics prevailed. In the 1948 election, returns from Precinct 13 in Alice, Texas—county seat of Parr-ruled Jim Wells County—gave 765 votes to Johnson as compared to 80 for his opponent, although only 600 bate lots had been issued for that precinct.

With a state wide count showing Johnson to be the loser by 113 votes, he made a victory statement on September 2, 1948. Next day a recount in Alice produced a new total of 967 votes for Lyndon, giving him his famous 87-vote victory. Inspection of the Alice polling list by a Texas Ranger and two former FBI agents disclosed that some 200 names had been added in a different shade of ink. Several of those individuals, when interviewed, testified they had not voted; others, not interviewed, were found to be deceased! As might have been expected, fraud was charged. An injunction was issued and a hearing ordered by Federal Judge T. Whitfield Davidson of the Northern District of Texas.

After several hasty appeals by Johnson to other courts had been denied, U.S. Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black obligingly set aside the Texas ruling, and no public hearing was ever held. The memory of those fateful events, however, lingers in the town of Alice. In spite of Parr’s repeated and none-too-gentle attempts to lay the ghost of that disputed election, it has returned again and again to haunt Lyndon Johnson. The truth is, that even in his own home state Johnson was never a very popular figure. He was what might be called a politician’s politician.

Undismayed, Johnson went to the Senate and was named Democratic Party whip in 1951. At approximately the same time, a former congressional page boy named Bobby Gene Baker was engaged as assistant Democratic Senate secretary. During Johnson’s first term in the Senate, as the Washington Star (39) has noted, he served on the Commerce Committee which has jurisdiction over the Federal Communications Commission. The Commission, in turn, regulates and licenses all radio and television broadcasting stations—including the station owned by Lady Bird Johnson in Austin, Texas, whose worth has been enhanced by a notable lack of local competition. No questions were asked about the number of out-of-state business firms that bought advertising time on the Austin station, although they dispensed no products or services on the Texas market.

About a year after becoming whip, Johnson succeeded to the post of Democratic floor leader in the Senate. His young lieutenant, Bobby Baker, was promptly promoted from assistant to Democratic Senate secretary. With Republicans holding the Upper House, though only by a frail majority of one, Johnson still found it useful, beginning in 1952, to cooperate with the Eisenhower Administration. Although noisemakers in ADA attacked Johnson in 1955 for giving tacit support to “a Republican assault on liberalism,” (40) he was vigorously defended by Senator Hubert Humphrey, former ADA national chairman. Ironically, much patronage flowed to Johnson during Eisenhower’s two terms as President, particularly after the off-year election success of the Democrats in 1958 made Johnson majority leader of the Senate. His personal power and influence now extended into both parties; he was a man to be courted and feared. Bland or cajoling in his lighter moods, he was said to display a hair-trigger temper and an unrestricted vocabulary when crossed.

By applying what Capitol Hill veterans describe as a combination of the carrot and the stick, whose use was determined by an intimate knowledge of his colleagues’ political problems or personal foibles, Johnson gained the reputation for being able to “get results” in Congress on practically any kind of legislation. In those operations, it has been suggested, the stack of bank notes kept on hand in the office of Democratic Senate secretary Baker may occasionally have played a part—as well as certain after hours gaieties organized by Baker that seemed more designed to entrap than to entertain. Bobby Gene was Johnson’s enforcer and frequent go-between. One of the Senate’s incorruptibles, the Honorable John R. Williams of Delaware, eventually forced the resignation of Baker by demanding an inquiry into the latter’s far-flung business activities. It appeared that Bobby Gene had been selling everything but the Capitol dome, and had made side money for himself amounting to more than 2 million dollars.

Congressional circles were amused when Lyndon Johnson, then Vice President, issued a straight-faced denial that Bobby Baker was ever a protégée of his. The close association between Democratic leader Johnson and Democratic Senate secretary Baker had been a matter of common knowledge on the Hill. As late as 1960, while campaigning in South Carolina, Johnson told Baker’s father, “Bobby Gene is my strong right arm, the last man I see at night, the first one I see in the morning!” It was hard to believe the shrewd and energetic majority leader did not know what his right arm was doing and had even forgotten that he had one! Lyndon Johnson was among the notables who attended the grand opening of Bobby Baker’s motel in Ocean City, Maryland.

Called before a Senate committee, Baker calmly refused to answer 125 questions on grounds of possible self-incrimination. He could do so with impunity, thanks to a Supreme Court decision barring citations for contempt by congressional investigating bodies. Though a whitewash was charged, the inquiry was closed and Baker escaped without penalties. By then all direct communication between Johnson and Baker had ceased. It was remarked, however, that Bobby Baker’s counsel at the Senate hearings was Abe Fortas, personal legal adviser to Lyndon Johnson and more recently a trusted member of the President’s Kitchen Cabinet.(40a)

No rumors of corruption, but the fact that he had regularly voted against civil rights legislation, led the majority of ADA intellectuals to denounce Lyndon Johnson in 1960. Only a handful of specialists, known to the Fabian International Bureau, were aware that Johnson’s dual role during the Eisenhower Administration had in reality helped to promote ADA-Socialist International programs of the nineteen-fifties—chiefly, in the fields of foreign aid and military spending.

Such policy was normally conveyed to the State Department as the fruit of “impartial research,” via some high level, bipartisan organization like the Council on Foreign Relations or the American Assembly. Legislation required to finance it was passed without difficulty, as a result of Johnson’s cooperative attitude in the Senate. Through the patronage made available to him by a grateful Republican Administration, a number of ADA-approved Democrats were quietly appointed to positions in the Departments of State (41) and Defense—the very areas where, as Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. had announced in the Fabian International Review, American Fabian Socialists intended to gain control.

Johnson could only have accomplished such feats by operating under at least nominally conservative colors, thus damaging his reputation among Left liberals. By voting with an influential group of southern Senators on domestic issues about which they felt strongly, he was able to win their support for other projects, where ADA spokesmen like Humphrey or Douglas would have failed. Since secrecy was necessary to avoid compromising delicate operations, Johnson resigned himself to incurring the wrath of most left-wingers —although, as he has since announced freely, he was always a New Deal liberal at heart.

It is not surprising, therefore, that otherwise well-informed ADA leaders expressed definite resentment against Johnson during and after the 1960 Democratic Convention. Joseph Rauh, Jr. has told of the dismay and sense of personal betrayal he felt, on hearing that Lyndon Johnson had been chosen as Kennedy’s running mate in the 1960 campaign. Rauh’s sentiments were echoed by David Dubinsky and other influential members of ADA. Some threatened to bolt the ticket or split their endorsement, but in the end were dissuaded from doing so.

John F. Kennedy had personally invited Johnson to be his running mate, reportedly calling him by telephone in the early morning hours. Previously, Johnson had declared he would refuse second place on the ticket. Not unnaturally, there was much speculation as to what led him to change his mind. One realistic account, attributed to a source close to Kennedy, went as follows: Johnson demurred at first, saying he would rather be majority leader of the Senate. To this Kennedy answered coldly and clearly: “What makes you think you’ll still be majority leader?” After a thoughtful silence, Johnson yielded. He consented to run for the Vice Presidency, but reserved the right to run simultaneously for the Senate.(42)

It was generally assumed Kennedy’s choice of Johnson, who had fought him so bitterly in the primaries, was dictated by political considerations. Apparently Kennedy did not think it safe just yet to write off the Southern vote, as Rauh and other ADA leaders urged him to do. Johnson’s name on the ticket might be helpful in holding the South for the Democrats. That was the picture in 1960.

Four years later a somewhat more emotional explanation of Johnson’s change of mind was circulated. Early in June, 1964, White House correspondents quoted President Johnson as saying that John F. Kennedy had had a premonition of death and deliberately chose Johnson to succeed him, explaining: “You are the man I’d want to be President, if anything happens to me.” It was those words, Johnson claimed, which decided him to run for the Vice Presidency. If Kennedy said such a thing, it might have been intended more as an appeal to human vanity, than as a solemn intimation of his own end. Remembering that he had just been nominated and was wholly absorbed by the prospect of the political battles ahead, it is improbable he looked very far beyond the coming November. Moreover, he was young, strong and cheerful, not given to dark forebodings. Indeed, Johnson who was nearly ten years older and had already suffered one massive heart attack, might well have been expected to predecease him.

Far from being a serious contribution to history, the story released by the White House in June, 1964, seemed no more than a rather ghoulish bit of campaign propaganda. Calculated to impress superstitious persons, it gave the effect of an endorsement from the grave. In a sense, Johnson had begun campaigning for reelection within a day or so after he took the oath of office. On November 24, 1963–just two days after the assassination—the Los Angeles Times printed a feature about Johnson from Washington which said: “Mr. Johnson was trained deliberately for the Presidency almost as if there had been a premonition in President Kennedy’s mind.”

Superficially, there were changes when the Johnson family moved into 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Chic was replaced by folksiness; gilded youth by a fatherly air, which at times appeared slightly forced. In the anteroom to the President’s office, the ten gallon hat took precedence over the homburg. As far as the staff was concerned, the changes were equally superficial. Of course, Johnson brought in his own long time personal aides to deal with the press and the public. Ted Sorenson and Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. departed. The former was replaced by speech-writer Sidney Hyman of the liberal Washington Post; the latter by Eric Goldman,(43) an old friend of ADA, who was asked to set up a screening service at Princeton to enlist a fresh supply of brain trusters and planners. ADA, it seemed, was playing a game of musical chairs.

Left liberal professors in the Executive Offices receded into the background, or returned to their accustomed haunts. Jerome Wiesner, who had headed the National Science Council, went back to MIT, and Walter Heller of the Council of Economic Advisers announced he would soon be leaving. The most prominent holdover was McGeorge Bundy, Harvard dean of Arts and Sciences, who as chief of the National Security Council now briefed the new President daily. For every Left liberal who vanished, however, another often less easily identified took his place. ADA infiltration, as Professor Brock had crowed, was so widespread both in the White House and the Departments, that a few changes really changed nothing at all.

It was to be expected that Johnson, offspring of the New Deal-Fair Deal, would turn to advisers of his own political generation. He preferred them to be nonofficial, rather than office fixtures: they aroused less comment that way. The new President’s counselors were prosperous attorneys of long residence in Washington, whom Johnson had known for years. Except for Clark Clifford, an accommodating practical politician who had served in the White House under Truman, all were known to lean to the Left.

Senior member of Johnson’s informal Cabinet was Dean Acheson, former protégée and lifelong friend of the New Deal’s architect-in-chief, Felix Frankfurter. As Under Secretary and Secretary of State in the years following World War II, Dean Acheson had been instrumental in snatching defeat from the jaws of victory. He was identified with the school of diplomacy which had allowed Soviet Russia to occupy Eastern Europe and the Baltic States with no more than token protest and no resistance; delivered mainland China to Red rule; and launched the destructive “No Win” policy in Korea. He was the man who had refused to turn his back on Alger Hiss. To adult Americans who remembered the past, the return of Acheson had the eerie quality of a recurring nightmare.

Dean Acheson’s role as a confidant of President Johnson seemed to guarantee the tenure of his former assistant, Dean Rusk, and the coterie of former Rhodes Scholars at the State Department. This, in turn, assured the continuance of a Fabian-inspired foreign policy which favored Socialist and even Communist nations, while demanding the progressive sacrifice of America’s wealth, strength and prestige. William Bundy, brother of McGeorge, took over the post of Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs, once held by Rusk. Walt Whitman Rostow was assigned to steer the Alliance for Progress, apparently to speed the peaceful development of Socialism in Latin America, as a step toward achieving his declared goal of World Government.

Other informal advisers of President Johnson were James Rowe, Jr., a charter member of the Fabian ADA; (44) and Abe Fortas, of the firm of Arnold, Fortas and Porter, which had defended two generations of Communists and Left liberals in Washington. Once a Department of the Interior aide under Harold Ickes, Fortas was an expert in the political uses of public works—a talent which Johnson evidently proposed to utilize after his own reelection. Had not Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. once predicted that the United States would advance to Socialism through a series of New Deals? While Fortas was not directly identified with ADA, his law partner, Paul A. Porter, had been a member of its original Committee on Economic Stability.(45)

Johnson had promptly named Fortas to the commission, headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren, assigned to “investigate” the Kennedy assassination and “improve” on the massive report already submitted by J. Edgar Hoover. A lifelong advocate of civil liberties for Leftists, Fortas could be counted upon to help make sure that the assassination did not precipitate an unfavorable public reaction against Communists or Socialists.

Like Kennedy, Johnson was learning how to handle the liberals, or vice versa. The doubts expressed by so many ADA members a few years earlier were now converted into endorsements, as he threw his weight behind one New Frontier project after another. The subsidized wheat sale to Russia; the campaign year tax cut; the civil rights bill which, by implication, denied civil rights to service industries and promised a return to Reconstruction days in the South: all were dutifully, even vigorously backed by Johnson. In the area of national defense, he gave free rein to Secretary Robert McNamara, the former professor who personified the dictum of Mirabeau that “to administer is to rule.” Once a spokesman for unrestrained military spending, Johnson now seconded McNamara’s “economy” program, which involved a gradual phase out of the manned bomber by 1970, along with the progressive curtailment of nuclear weapons. To that end, Johnson himself issued an Executive Order stopping production of uranium and plutonium for military purposes.

President Johnson’s unconditional surrender to ADA programs was perhaps the clearest testimonial to ADA’s position of power in the Democratic Party; for power was one thing Johnson always recognized and respected. If he hoped to be reelected, he must have ADA support. Almost plaintively he reiterated in public statements that he really and truly was a liberal, and stressed his devotion to the memory of FDR. To Robert Spivak of the New York Herald Tribune Johnson remarked: “You say I am not a liberal. Let me tell you that I am more liberal than Eleanor Roosevelt and I will prove it to you ….” Presumably, the final proof of the pudding was to be postponed until after the 1964 national elections.

To ADA’s annual Roosevelt Day dinners, President Johnson sent special greetings in 1964. Among other things the President’s message said: “I was a Roosevelt man lock, stock and barrel. In many ways he was my spiritual father.” (46) Reaction to this statement by members of the clergy attending the National Dinner in Washington is not recorded! The President also praised ADA for its “early advocacy of a test ban treaty, long before such support was popular.”

At the same time Johnson was cautious, ever-mindful of the perils of a campaign year. References to ADA as a left wing organization were stricken from the 1964 edition of his biography by Booth Mooney, a former Johnson staff-employee. A White House dinner for labor leaders and their wives, arranged by advice of David Dubinsky, was quickly followed by another dinner for handpicked leaders of business and industry. Both social events proved politically rewarding. The first resulted in an endorsement of Johnson by AFL-CIO brass at its Atlantic City convention; the latter in well-publicized pledges to vote for Johnson by a few prominent industrialists.(47) On May 4, he told a group of labor leaders:

“The time has come for labor and Government and business to agree that we are going to achieve—and keep–full employment.” (48)

One cannot help wondering if Johnson knew that the seemingly harmless phrase, “full employment,” is the keystone of Keynesian economics, an invention of Fabian Socialists created to lure the United States towards full-scale Socialism.

Apparently Johnson, like Kennedy, was surrounded by Left liberal idea men and speech-writers who could not resist displaying their Fabian Socialist scholarship—thereby betraying their own origins. Searching for phrases to describe their bright new world of the future, like the dodo bird, they invariably looked backward. A commencement address, for example, delivered by President Johnson at the University of Michigan on May 24, 1964, invited the youth of America to join him in building “the great society.” Anyone acquainted with the history of the Fabian Socialist movement knows that The Great Society was the name of a book by Graham Wallas, one of the original Big Four of the London Fabian Society.

First published in 1914, the 50th anniversary year of the Socialist International, The Great Society was based on lectures given four years earlier by Wallas as a visiting professor at Harvard. Wallas’ course, Government-31, was a “must” for members of the Harvard Socialist Club of his day. An American edition of The Great Society (reprinted in 1920) had been dedicated to erstwhile Harvard Socialist Club president, Walter Lippmann—who in 1964 declared his intention to vote for Johnson. Somehow The Great Society became the “rallying cry” for Lyndon Johnson’s 1964 campaign, replacing the slightly passe New Frontier. If Democrats resent the inference that their Party, their Administrations and their Presidents have been taken over lock, stock and barrel by a Fabian Socialist clique, why do they insist on borrowing their “rallying cries” from books and pamphlets written by well-known Fabian Socialists, British or American?

Further evidence of Democratic dependence on British Fabian Socialism—not merely for slogans, but for entire programs—was the Administration’s “War on Poverty.” Its source was officially disclosed by the British Fabian Socialist, Harold Wilson, Parliamentary Leader of the British Labour Party. Addressing the Eighth Congress of the Socialist International, which met in Amsterdam September 9 through 12, in 1963, Wilson said: “Ten years ago some of us in the Labour Party in Britain were moved to write a pamphlet called ‘War on Want,’ which led to a great movement in Britain and has gone far beyond our expectations ….”(49)

Strangely enough, the topic of the Socialist International Congress, where Harold Wilson spoke, was not poverty at all—or “want,” as the British call it. The subject under discussion was: “The International Situation and the Struggle for Peace and Disarmament.” The idea discreetly conveyed by Wilson was that disarmament might be achieved by popular demand in democratic countries, if funds normally allocated for national defense could be dramatically diverted into a war on poverty. While the movement might not succeed in abolishing poverty, it could certainly go a long way toward abolishing the armed forces of the Free World, and their weapons of the future.

Nearly ten years after the spark had been struck in Britain, the same idea was picked up and adapted to the American scene by a young man named Michael Harrington, a member of the executive committee of the American Socialist Party. Like so many other aspiring Socialists, he published a book. It appeared in 1962 as, The Other America: Poverty in the United States,(50) and it was an immediate sensation. This was not surprising, because all appropriate Fabian Socialist press and organizational contacts in the United States had evidently been primed to push the book and to promote the subject of poverty in general. Thus, a Saturday morning panel discussion at the 58th Annual Conference of the League for Industrial Democracy, held in May, 1963, was reminiscently titled, “Why Are the Many Poor?”—the title of Fabian Tract No. 1, first pamphlet ever printed by the London Fabian Society. (51)

President Kennedy is said to have read Harrington’s book and to have been deeply impressed with it. Michael Harrington had made the astonishing discovery that there are thirty-five million Americans who are, by White House standards, poor, and presumably should have Federal help of one kind or another. Quite a lot of Federal funds could be absorbed rehabilitating thirty-five million people, even in a small way.

Michael Harrington himself was then not quite thirty-five years old. A graduate of Yale University, he had been a regular contributor to The Reporter and to Commonweal, a Catholic laymen’s magazine of Left liberal leanings. For a time after leaving college, he was connected with the Catholic Worker movement—an independent but nominally Catholic movement of the Left, led by Dorothy Day, a convert from Communism. As recently as April, 1963, Miss Day— who had visited Castro’s Cuba only the year before—attended a reception honoring the veteran Communist leader, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn. On that occasion Dorothy Day was quoted, perhaps erroneously, by a Communist newspaper as saying, “My association with Elizabeth Gurley Flynn will go on through my life, despite our basic religious differences” because “we can work together on economic and social questions.” (52)

Possibly Miss Day, despite her fervor, was not familiar with the great Encyclical of Pope Pius XI, Divini Redemptoris, issued in 1937.

To Christians of the entire world the Holy Father uttered a warning, not merely for the moment but for all time: “Communism is intrinsically evil, (53) and no one desiring to save Christian civilization may cooperate with it in any undertaking whatever.”

There is no evidence that Michael Harrington cooperates with Communism today. He is, however, a member of the Executive Committee of the little Socialist Party, USA openly affiliated with the Socialist International, which invariably acts to protect Communist nations and in many instances promotes cooperation with them at the world level. On March 28, 1964, the new slick paper edition of Socialist International Information, official organ of the International, featured an article by Michael Harrington reprinted from New America, U.S. Socialist Party publication. There Harrington explained why the “war on poverty” would speed the advance of Socialism in the United States. The reasons given by Harrington are worth noting: first, that the program “is the assertion of a public claim on private resources”; and second, that “it will necessarily involve an expansion of the public sector of American society.”(54) A previous issue of Socialist International Information had noted “Michael Harrington’s contribution to Presidential thinking on ‘The War on Poverty.'” (55)

Early in 1964, Harrington was called to Washington, along with other “specialists,” to assist the Johnson Administration in drafting plans for its own anti-poverty campaign. Though the project was inherited from his predecessor, President Johnson had made it his own and announced the “war on poverty” as a major goal of his Administration. The campaign was frankly admitted to have been inspired by Michael Harrington’s book. As a result, leading newspapers of the country threw open their columns to the young specialist on poverty, for by-line articles as well as interviews.

For an avowed official of the little U.S. Socialist Party (56) to be so cordially received in press and government circles was something new in America. Simultaneously, Harrington was treated like a younger brother by prominent members of ADA. As far as anyone could remember, nothing just like it had happened in this country before. It raised the interesting possibility that other American Fabian Socialists might decide in the not-so-distant future to drop their disguise and call themselves by their own true name. Presumably, they would only feel free to do so if convinced that the final victory of Socialism was at hand. Did they see in the “war on poverty” a decisive weapon for bringing their long, but not wholly uncomfortable struggle to an end?

Added to his other services, Michael Harrington represented a very serious and well-organized attempt to sell the Fabian Socialist conception of social justice and “social charity” to the Catholic hierarchy and Catholic laity. It was designed to undermine one last great obstacle to the sweep of Socialism throughout the world. In that strangely un-Christian effort, Harrington and his friends have been aided effectively, if not directly, by two British Fabian Socialist waters widely feted in this country: Anne Fremantle, a niece of Beatrice Webb; and Barbara Ward (Lady Jackson), the latter described by a Washington news correspondent as one of President Johnson’s favorite authors.(57)

To head his anti-poverty campaign, President Johnson initially chose Sargent Shriver, brother-in-law of the late President Kennedy and himself a member of an old and respected Maryland family. Sargent Shriver, had broken with family tradition by going to Chicago and becoming, in 1952, an eager supporter of Adlai Stevenson. Marrying a Kennedy sister, he became director of the Peace Corps in the Kennedy-Johnson Administration. Momentarily, his newer “poverty” post appeared to promise nothing more spectacular than a revival of Civilian Conservation Corps camps and similar half-forgotten projects dating from the New Deal. Its prospective importance was evident, however, from the fact that Adam Yarmolinsky (58) left his Pentagon post as Assistant Secretary for Defense for Personnel, to assist Shriver in launching the so-called war against poverty.

A young man of proper Socialist antecedents, of whom it had been rumored that he was being groomed by Left liberals to succeed J. Edgar Hoover, Yarmolinsky was no sacrificial lamb. He enjoyed the favor of leading ADA members, who regarded him as an authority on personnel practices measured by American Civil Liberties Union standards. Yarmolinsky’s presence in Sargent Shriver’s office could be taken as a virtual guarantee that the war against poverty would swell to boom proportions—after Johnson was reelected! That estimate was confirmed by a New York Times interview with Michael Harrington, which stated: “In Mr. Harrington’s view, President Johnson’s announcement of a war against poverty may be regarded as the staging phase for such a war rather than the beginning of one itself. The campaign can be started only when long-range plans that include vast public works programs are completed ….” (59)

Meanwhile, the political status quo was preserved without significant alteration. Keynesian economists were still in control of the Treasury and the Budget; agents of disarmament were in Defense. While Johnson talked of “frugality,” as FDR had done to win election in 1932, he planned in terms of deficit budgets—”under 100 billion dollars” today, but who knows what tomorrow? President Johnson asked an initial sum just under one billion dollars to wage war on poverty; another 500 million dollars annually to raise salaries of Federal employees, many of whom had received pay raises only a short time before; while 3.5 billion dollars was asked and obtained for foreign aid—”no more than last year,” but what of the years ahead?

The President promised “full employment”—and yet, by Executive Order, under the power relinquished to him by Congress, he proceeded to slash tariffs on imports priced to undersell American products, damage American industry and agriculture, and throw American citizens out of work. Subsidies were provided under the law for those who were “harmed” by tariff reductions; so that, in effect, the American taxpayer was subsidizing foreign industries. Meanwhile, American manufactures and raw materials were being shipped abroad as free gifts. American industrialists, finding it harder to compete at home against the flood of foreign imports and obliged to seek government contracts, were compelled to submit more and more to government control and restrictions. Many of these things were the result of legislation which Johnson had originally spearheaded while in the Senate. He was now in a position to exert the power they conferred on a Chief Executive.

Foreign diplomats must have smiled behind their hands at America’s pretensions of largesse, as the country’s viable gold reserves in 1963 shrank to less than 4 billion dollars over the minimum required by law to remain in the vaults at Fort Knox. With other countries holding due bills against the United States for more than 22 billion dollars in gold and able to demand payment at will, America was, in effect, at the mercy of its foreign pensioners. At any desired moment, they could demand payment in gold and throw the United States into bankruptcy. Did they delay because of trade benefits offered by the President, now armed with tariff-making powers? Or were they waiting for a moment when, by common consent of its creditors, the gold-poor United States might be forced into some supranational world order which meant an end of its nationhood?

The American dollar was no longer as good as gold. Even sheiks and desert potentates of the Middle East refused to accept it, demanding payment in bullion. How was it, with such an alarming shortage of the precious metal in the United States, that a major American oil company could still arrange to pay for its Middle Eastern oil leases and concessions in gold? How was it that we were not ourselves mining it vigorously? What was the influence in Washington that made such gold payments without replacement possible, and what political favors were asked in return?

President Johnson insisted the country had never been so prosperous nor the economy so sound—and he quoted figures to prove it. Everything seemed to be moving; everything seemed to be booming; and everything was fearfully expensive. Private debt in the United States reached the astronomical total of 826 billion dollars by the end of 1963; while the public debt ceiling was raised a few months later to 324 billion dollars. The average citizen was caught in a vise between debt and taxes, from which the campaign year tax cut offered no noticeable relief; while state and Federal politicians voted themselves larger salaries and handsomer pensions at public expense.

Who could save for old age or a rainy day? Sooner or later, the Government, which in one way or another was already collecting over one-third of the average citizen’s income, would have to pick up the tab for his medical and dental care, education, job-training and child rearing, in addition to unemployment insurance, old age pensions and burial costs. So the country went spinning along on wheels, faster and faster, down the non-stop Fabian Freeway that led to fiscal collapse—and a type of receivership sometimes known as Socialism.

This was how it had been planned, more than thirty years before, by a man named John Maynard Keynes and a small group of “respectable” Fabian Socialist conspirators in London, and by many others in other locales. They saw very plainly that the only way to capture the United States, and ultimately the world, for Socialism was by progressively weakening the financial system of this country to the point of total collapse. Once having reduced the two great English-speaking nations that were traditionally the bulwark of the free enterprise system and of liberty itself, Socialists would control the world— peacefully at first, perhaps later by force of Soviet arms. For when all is said and done, the Fabian Socialists have nowhere to go but to Communism.

By 1964, the United States had moved a great deal farther down the Fabian Freeway than most of its citizens knew. One final spurt of speed and power, and the total welfare state could be reached in a very few years. With the internal transition to Socialism apparently assured and external suasion applied at the psychological moment by a world-wide Communist-Socialist coalition, and possibly by a worldwide crisis calling for exceptional controls, the United States might be steered without conflict into the proposed World Federation of Socialist States. The rather simple legislation required for the purpose could be pushed almost imperceptibly through an ADA-controlled Congress.(59a) Was this the “fuller life” President Johnson’s advisers had in mind for America when they revived Graham Wallas’ dream of The Great Society in the one hundredth anniversary year of the Socialist International?

Lyndon Baines Johnson, former Democratic majority leader of the Senate and seasoned political manipulator, now seemed the man preordained for the job. A ruthless hand at the controls was needed, where a softer nature might flinch. Was it true, after all, that Johnson had been deliberately chosen in case “something happened” to JFK—chosen not only by Kennedy himself, but also by those master planners of international Socialism and Communism whose agents surround any modern Democratic Party chief? Surely the final push would not be wholly entrusted to a willing but non-Socialist Chief Executive. He must have helpers, alert and well-schooled. Looking forward to the 1964 national elections, James MacGregor Burns, member of ADA and former pupil of London’s Fabian Socialists, stated with clear and unmistakable intent: “Our need is not to win an election or a leader; we must win a government.” (60)

That is exactly what happened on November 3, 1964, after an apparently monotonous political campaign marked by a good deal of sub-surface drama. It was no doubt a deep personal satisfaction for President Johnson to find that the nickname of Landslide Lyndon, with which his enemies had taunted him from 1948, was now apropos. But the victory was not his alone. For the first time in nearly thirty years Democrats held a better than two-to-one majority in both houses of the Congress; and a remarkably large number of them owed their seats to ADA-COPE support. More than ever the High Court could be depended upon, in the time-tested words of Mr. Dooley, to “follow th’iliction returns.”

For all practical purposes, the constitutional separation of powers, seen by Anglo-American Socialists as the chief barrier to their conquest of the United States, had been reduced almost to the vanishing point. At long last a Socialist-schooled elite was in a position to exert unchallenged, if undeclared, control over all three branches of the Federal Government.

Obviously, the great majority of the American people was not aware of those circumstances, and would not knowingly have consented to them. Thus it seemed desirable for the Administration and its friends to keep the public guessing about Johnson’s intentions as long as possible. The President himself must speak only in the broadest generalities, and news management of the strictest kind must be enforced. For the time being, it was important to preserve the image of LBJ as a moderate middle-of-the-roader, equally beloved by management and labor, and in his benign way acting wholly by popular consent. Such considerations may explain the peculiar quality of the 1964 election campaign in the United States, where results were announced by television computers long before the votes had been counted. Organized labor and ethnic minority blocs were delivered almost intact to the Administration. Indeed, some experts claim the elections were actually won during the registration phase of the campaign, through the highly effective, if sometimes dubious, mass-registration techniques developed since 1958 by the industrial union branch of the AFL-CIO. Even in normally Republican areas Democrat registrars often outnumbered their rivals by as much as sixteen to one; and on election day were transformed into demon poll-watchers and vote-counters. One wonders whether even an Archangel Michael and his heavenly hosts would have sufficed to turn the tide, or to detect exactly what happened in 175,595 voting precincts around the country.

What the candidates said scarcely mattered. Their statements were transposed, interpreted and embellished by a practically solid phalanx of Left liberal press and TV commentators. Another unusual feature of the campaign was the vehemence of the overseas press in denouncing President Johnson’s opponent—especially in editorial opinions from Scandinavia, Belgium, West Berlin, Italy, England, where Socialist Governments held office. Was this a preview of the inspired world press to be hoped for under a future World Government?

Organized pressure, to a degree never known before in the United States, was exerted on members of the business community, great and small—the purpose being, ironically enough, to convey an impression that the nation’s businessmen were partial to President Johnson. Telephone calls from Washington warned that vital contracts might be forfeited. Credit was arbitrarily extended or denied. Federal and State agencies sent swarms of investigators to scrutinize the records of private companies and individuals. Well-timed offers of Area Redevelopment and other Federal funds were received in many smaller cities and towns. Even in the heyday of the New Deal, there had been nothing to equal this! Taking one thing with another, it was surprising that some twenty-seven million Americans were still found to have voted against Lyndon Johnson.

Tactics of the Johnson juggernaut were condoned by triumphant Washington insiders. In the excitement of victory, presidential favorite Walter Lippmann, who has seldom been known to make an unguarded statement, penned a more outspoken summary of the 1964 elections than any administration critic. “The campaign did not produce a debate about specific problems, and this was fortunate,” wrote Lippmann in his syndicated column of November 8, 1964. “For the real business of the campaign was not to map out a course for the future. It was to beat and crush a rebellion against the established line of domestic and foreign policy which was laid down in the generation which followed the great depression and the second world war.” The statement speaks for itself—and for the gentle Fabians.


1. Clifton Brock, Americans for Democratic Action (Washington, Public Affairs Press, 1962), p. 82.

2. Cf. Seymour E. Harris, Higher Education: Sources and Finance. (Result of a Study Sponsored by the Ford Foundation. Dedicated to McGeorge Bundy.) (New York, McGraw-Hill Inc., 1962).

3. Concerning the London School of Economics, Margaret Cole, president of the Fabian Society, wrote in 1963: “The argument which Webb might quite honestly have used but apparently did not–that the study of economic and social facts would of itself produce Socialist converts–turned out to be largely true. Whatever the political bias of its lecturers, the LSE retained (and deserved) for many a long day the reputation of being a manufactory of Reds.” From a review by Margaret Cole of Sir Sydney Caine’s book, The History of the Foundation of the London School of Economics and Political Science, The Social Science Weekly (April 18, 1963), Vol. I, No. 29, p. 26.

4. Victor Lasky, JFK: The Man and the Myth (New York, The Macmillan Company, 1963), App. B, pp. 587-598. Text of the so-called “Bailey Report,” analyzing the strength of the “Catholic vote” in the United States and circulated by Kennedy aids at the 1956 Democratic Convention. In 1960 the Gallup Poll reported that 78 per cent of U. S. Catholics had voted for John F. Kennedy.

5. From the Encyclical Quadragesimo Anno, May 15, 1931.

6. Brock, op. cit., p. 181.

7. Ibid., pp. 181-182; p. 179.

8. Ibid., p. 182-184.

9. That Communists have exploited such fears, and continue to do so, can be seen from the statement made in 1961 by U. S. Communist Party Leader, Gus Hall: “No matter what one’s attitude may be towards the Communist Party, it must be recognized that the fight for its rights as a political party is a matter of defending the Bill of Rights and all democratic rights, and peace forces, and not of the Communists alone. This is an old lesson, but sometimes it has to be learned anew.” Gus Hall, “The Ultra-Right, Kennedy and the Role of Progressives,” Political Affairs (August, 1961) pp. 19-20. This was the article which–with that fine inconsistency for which Communists are noted–unleashed a general attack by all left wing and “liberal” forces in the United States against the “extreme right.”

10. Brock, op. cit., p. 146.

11. “Inside the Upper House,” a review by John F. Kennedy, U. S. Senator from Massachusetts; author of Profiles in Courage. The New Leader (May 13, 1957), p. 9. (The book reviewed was Citadel, by William S. White, New York, Harper & Brothers, 1957.)

12. Brock, op. cit., p. 185.

13. Lord Pakenham, Born to Believe (London, Jonathan Cape, 1953), p. 79.

14. Ibid., p. 159.

15. Henry A. Wallace, New Frontiers (New York, Reynal & Hitchcock, 1934), p. 268. (First printing, 50,000 copies.)

16. Ibid., p. 275-276.

17. Ibid., p. 276.

18. Brock, op. cit., p. 196.

19. Ibid., p. 198.

20. Brock, op. cit., p. 200.

21. Editorial by Edward Bellamy which appeared in the Boston Globe, July 4, 1892.

22. The New York Times (July 11, 1962). Quoted from an article by James Reston.

23. The New York Times (July 5, 1962). Cf. Also Harry A. Overstreet, A Declaration of Interdependence (New York, W. W. Norton, 1937).

24. LeRoy Collins, Orville L. Freeman, Hubert H. Humphrey, Newton N. Minow, Hyman G. Rickover, and Thurgood Marshall on The Mazes of Modern Government: The States, the Legislature, the Bureaucracy, the Courts. An occasional paper on the role of the political process in the free society. (Santa Barbara, Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, 1963), p. 21.

25. That is, in Latin America.

26. New Republic (June 1, 1963).

27. It is interesting to note that this rebuke coincided with the return to London on May 23, 1963 of a Socialist International mission to Latin America. An account of that mission, contained in the Secretary’s Report to the Congress of the Socialist International, read as follows: “The Chairman of the Socialist International, Alsing Anderson died almost immediately after his return from the Inter-parliamentary Union Conference in Brazil, where he had done valuable contact work for the realization of the decision of the Oslo Council to send a mission to Latin America. The members, Max Diamant (Germany) and Yehuda Schuster (Israel), left London on 25 March and returned on 23 May, 1963. They visited the following countries: Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic, Mexico, Costa Rica, Panama, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, where they met leading representatives of the Socialist and Popular Parties.” Socialist International Information (August 24, 1963), Vol. XIII, No. 34-35.

28. In 1947, the year of ADA’s founding, Harris was a member of its so-called Committee on Economic Stability. Other members of the Committee were: Chester Bowles, Chairman; Lauchlin Currie, William H. Davis, J. K. Galbraith, Richard V. Gilbert, David Ginsburg, Leon Henderson, Robert R. Nathan, Paul A. Porter, Joseph L. Rauh, Jr.

29. Seymour E. Harris, “Kennedy and the Liberals,” New Republic (June 1, 1963).

30. In May, 1963 Kennedy delivered what Professor Harris termed a “brilliant address” to the Committee on Economic Development.

31. Seymour E. Harris, “Kennedy and the Liberals,” New Republic (June 1, 1963).

32. Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals.

33. Human Events (February 18, 1964). Quoted from the New York Daily News.

34. Associated Press dispatch from Washington (November 25, 1963).

35. The New York Times (December 18, 1963).

36. Associated Press dispatch from Washington (June 8, 1964).

37. Human Events (May 30, 1946).

38. Washington Star (June 8, 1964).

39. Washington Star (June 8, 1964).

40. Brock, op. cit., p. 157.

40a. Justice Fortas now occupies the seat on the Supreme Court which Arthur Goldberg, an ADA founder and former counsel for the CIO, vacated to become Ambassador to the United Nations.

41. Frank L. Kluckhohn, former New York Times correspondent who served in the Department of State during the Eisenhower Administration, reports that of 126 political appointments in the Department, 107 went to Democrats–many of them recommended by Johnson. Frank L. Kluckhohn, The Inside on LBJ (New York, Monarch Books, 1964), p. 33.

42. Theodore H. White, The Making of the President, 1964 (New York, Atheneum, 1965), App. B., pp. 429-438.

43. Since resigned. Due to be succeeded by Prof. John P. Roche of Brandeis University, past national president, ADA.

44. See Appendix IV.

45. Report of the Committee on Economic Stability. Published by Americans for Democratic Action, May, 1946. (See title page.)

46. ADA World (February, 1964).

47. It is a fact not generally known that the business leaders who made these endorsements of Johnson also happened to be trustees of the Committee for Economic Development, an organization which enjoys the benefit of “close consultation and discussion” with its Fabian-steered counterpart in Britain, known as PEP. Committee for Economic Development. Report of Activities in 1963. From Thomas B. McCabe, Acting Chairman, p. 6; pp. 15-18.

48. U. S. News and World Report (May 18, 1964).

49. Socialist International Information (January 4, 1964), Vol. XIV, No. 1.

50. According to Socialist International Information (March 14, 1964), “copies of Harrington’s book, The Other America, are available in paperback for 95¢, from the Socialist Party, 1182 Broadway, New York, 1 N.Y. In Britain it has been published by Penguin Books–price 3/6.”

51. Chairman of this panel session was Harry W. Laidler, Executive Director Emeritus of the LID. Panelists included: Jack Conway, Special Assistant to Walter Reuther; Martin Fleisher, faculty, Brooklyn College; Robert Lampman, President’s Council of Economic Advisers; S. M. Miller, faculty, Syracuse University Youth Development Center; Oscar Ornati, faculty, New School for Social Research, author, forthcoming book on poverty; Michael D. Reagan, Director, Public Administration Programs, Syracuse University; Patricia Sexton, faculty, NYU.

52. The Worker (Sunday, April 7, 1963). Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, since deceased, was accorded a full-scale State funeral in Moscow’s Red Square.

53. The Latin word used in the Encyclilcal is pravus, root of the English word “depraved.”

54. Italics added, now removed.

55. “Socialist Helped U. S. Map War on Poverty,” Los Angeles Times (March 22, 1964).

56. Membership of the U. S. Socialist Party-Socialist Democratic Federation, an affiliate of the Socialist International, was officially listed as 3,000 in 1963. Numerically, it is one of the smallest Socialist Parties in the world, being outnumbered by the Luxembourg Socialist Workers’ Party with a membership of 7,000. (Not all American Socialists necessarily belong to the Socialist Party, nor can be identified through such membership.–ed.) Socialist International Information. (August 24, 1963), Vol. XIII, No. 34-35, “Secretary’s Report” (September, 1961-July, 1963) to the English Congress of the Socialist International, meeting in Amsterdam, September 9-12, 1963.

57. In 1937 Barbara Ward was the co-author with Leonard Woolf of a volume entitled Hitler’s Road to Bagdad. (Fabian International Section, The Fabian Society. London, Allen & Unwin, 1937). This book is not listed in recent biographies of Barbara Ward, circulated by her American publisher.

58. Adam Yarmolinsky was the son of Avraham Yarmolinsky, long time head of the Slavonic language room at the New York Public Library, and the poetess, Babette Deutsch, a life long “collaborator” of the League for Industrial Democracy, who participated in many Socialist and United Front undertakings. A graduate of Harvard Law School, Adam Yarmolinsky headed the Fund for the Republic’s Washington office in 1955, and thereafter was Secretary of the Fund. His superior was W. H. Ferry, who in 1962 issued a blast against J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI. Yarmolinsky’s biography in Who’s Who in America lists no investigative or personnel experience, prior to his appointment as Assistant Secretary of Defense for Personnel in the Kennedy-Johnson Administration.

59. Quoted from The New York times (no date) by Socialist International Information (March 14, 1964).

59a. On a single day in 1966, April 29, twenty nine resolutions looking towards the formation of an Atlantic Union regional Federal government were dropped into the Congressional hopper. (House Joint Res. 1089 through 1117.)

60. James MacGregor Burns, The Deadlock of Democracy (New York, Prentice Hall, 1963), p. 228.

Chapter 20 << | >> Epilogue

Chapter 20-More Power and Influence

Chapter 20 of the book Fabian Freeway.

Liberal historians have been pleased to remark that the Holy Roman Empire was not Holy nor Roman nor an Empire. Similarly, it might be said today that Americans for Democratic Action is neither American nor Democratic; and there would be more truth than humor in the statement. Although the proof must at times be sought in a variety of obscure publications never meant for mass consumption, there is ample evidence that the inspiration for the organization was both British and Fabian Socialist; that its leaders have maintained close ties with leaders of the London Fabian Society; and that its emergence coincided narrowly with the post World War II revival of the Socialist International, whose declarations are echoed in ADA programs.

In that connection, it will be useful to sketch the relationship between the London Fabian Society and the Socialist International where the Society has been represented in one way or another since its early years. In 1896, George Bernard Shaw attended the London Congress of the Socialist International as a Fabian delegate.(1)

Founded in London in 1864, (2) the First Socialist International, whose honorary corresponding secretary for Germany and effective creator was Karl Marx, had been dissolved at Hoboken, New Jersey in 1876. The Second Socialist International was reconstituted in Paris in 1889, on the one-hundredth anniversary of the storming of the Bastille. It survived until 1914, dominated largely by the German Social Democratic Party. (3) During World War I, social democratic splinter groups in Allied countries were utilized for subversive purposes by a special division of German Military Intelligence.

An open split among Socialist parties and societies of the world occurred during and after World War I. Following the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, the Third or Communist International (called the Comintern) was formed in Moscow in 1919. The Comintern was nominally dissolved in 194041 and renamed the Cominform, and several of its leading ideologues have since held posts in the United Nations. Dimitri Manuilsky and Otto Kuusinen, prominent figures of the Communist International, have served as Soviet representatives in the crystal Tower of Babel on the East River in New York City.

Efforts of the British Labour Party, spearheaded by Fabian Socialist Arthur Henderson, failed to restore the old Socialist International in 1921, because a number of member parties demanded an organization that would unite both Socialists and Communists. Still, the British Labour Party persisted. On their own initiative, executives of the Second and Third Internationals met at Paris in February, 1922, but apparently failed to reach a firm agreement. The new Labor and Socialist International finally assembled in May, 1923 at Hamburg, Germany, where Arthur Henderson was elected president of the executive committee. From 1923 to 1938 the British Labour Party [under Fabian Socialist leadership] dominated the Socialist International.(4)—and continues to do so today. This Party has been considered for decades to be the most important Socialist labor party of the world, and has sent labor organizers to many English-speaking countries, including the United States.

From the start, both the Socialist and the Communist Internationals have claimed to be the modern-day heirs of Karl Marx, by a kind of profane apostolic succession. Neither has ever forsaken the hope of uniting world-labor in one fold, a chief point of dispute being the identity of the secular shepherd. While the Communist Parties are more vociferous in denouncing the Socialists and in practice suppress Socialist Party activities within the Communist bloc, Communist governments do not hesitate to accept practical aid from Socialist leaders abroad—and, in fact, rely heavily upon it.

Leaders of the Socialist International and its affiliates, impelled by a pluralist outlook, have never relaxed their patient efforts to persuade the Communist leaders, individually or collectively, to adopt a more “practical” point of view at home. As recently as the winter of 1964, Zigmunt Zaremba, Socialist and former member of the Polish Parliament and chairman of the Socialist Union of Central Eastern Europe, declared: “Nobody wants to deny Communism the right to exist but, equally, Communism cannot deny this right to Socialism!”(5) To more impartial observers, these rights are by no means self-evident.

Under the impact of World War II the Second International, whose Bureau was in Zurich, once more fel1 apart. During the war years, as has already been noted, the Fabian International Bureau served as host in London to a number of the Socialist International’s exiled leaders. In 1946 the old International was formally dissolved at a conference of delegates from nineteen countries held at Clacton-on-Sea and Bournemouth, England; and an International Socialist Bureau was set up in London. At a congress held in Zurich on June 7-9, 1947, a resolution was passed stating the time was ripe to consider reestablishing the Socialist International.

Meanwhile, affairs of the International from November, 1947, were handled by the Committee of the International Socialist Conference, known as COMISCO, which held its first session in London during March, 1948. Under the chairmanship of the veteran British Fabian Socialist, Morgan Phillips, COMISCO took an active hand in setting up the labor arm of the Socialist International, the Confederation of Free Trade Unions. COMISCO likewise undertook to revitalize the more overt affiliates of the Socialist International, among others, (6) the International Organization of Socialist Youth.

Through Socialists of many nationalities accredited to the United Nations, COMISCO aided the International Organization of Socialist Youth in obtaining consultative status on various inter-governmental bodies. (7) These included UNESCO and the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe, represented by Gunnar Myrdal and Walt Whitman Rostow. Young Socialists, who were not always in their first youth, were pledged to work for a new world order “to replace capitalism by a system in which the public interest takes precedence over the interest of private profit.” (8) The Students’ League for Industrial Democracy, whose adult board included leading members of ADA, was officially listed in 1956-57 as belonging to the International Organization of Socialist Youth.(9)

Formal rebirth of the Socialist International occurred at the Frankfurt Congress of 1951, after which a permanent headquarters was established in London. At that congress the term “Social Democracy” was made interchangeable with “Democratic Socialism,” a distinction without a difference. A second congress held in October of the same year at Milan issued a Declaration of Socialist Policy for Under-developed Territories—whose effects are still evident today in the policies of the United Nations and the foreign aid policies of the United States. After explaining that technical and financial aid must be tendered in such a way as to avoid embarrassing the recipient governments or committing them to anything whatsoever, the International – declared coolly: “It is the primary task of Socialists [in the developed countries] to create a public opinion favorable to active participation in a program of assistance to underdeveloped countries, even if this effort should entail sacrifices from the peoples of the more advanced countries.”(10) Both as publicists and public officials, ADA supporters have been intensely active in promoting long-term aid “without strings” to newly constituted governments of backward nations, some barely emerged from cannibalism.

Decisions of the Frankfurt Congress were transmitted to the United States by Norman Thomas, one of the few open and avowed Socialists still to be found in this country—the others claiming to be liberals or progressives. Yet in the January, 1953, issue of The Progressive, a Left liberal monthly that boasted of having been founded in 1909 by the elder La Follette, the League for Industrial Democracy advertised three pamphlets for sale. They were: Democratic Socialism, by Norman Thomas; National Health Insurance, by Seymour E. Harris; and World Labor Today, by Robert J. Alexander. Endorsers, sponsors and contributors of the magazine at that time included endorsers, sponsors and/or prominent members of ADA. (11) In the same issue, The Age of Suspicion by James Wechsler of ADA, was offered gratis with subscriptions to The Progressive and membership in the Political Book Club. Book Club judges were Gerald W. Johnson, formerly of the Baltimore Sun, Michael Straight of the New Republic, and the durable Professor Max Lerner—intimate of Harold Laski, of the old British Left Book Club.

The September, 1954, issue of The Progressive featured a debate between Norman Thomas and Robert R. Nathan, then chairman of the ADA executive committee. It dealt with alleged defects and virtues of Americans for Democratic Action, Thomas taking the negative side. In “The Trouble with ADA,” Norman Thomas reproached the organization for not insisting that the United Nations be strengthened to a point where it could enforce world disarmament.

On that issue, Thomas seems to have been premature, and the attitude of ADA was soon vindicated by higher authority. At its congress of July, 1955, in London, held jointly with the Asian Socialist Conference, the Socialist International declared: “This repeated emphasis on the need for world disarmament prior to the establishment of a fund for the underdeveloped nations is most unfortunate.” (12)

Extolling “The Value of ADA” in The Progressive, Robert Nathan prudently confined himself to aspects of domestic politics. Admitting ADA had from the first been “torn between the political present and the Fabian future,” he said that he expected ADA “to serve as a broker between ideas and their political implementation”—an argument for the art of the possible. Personally, continued Nathan, he was for “pragmatism with a philosophy of liberalism,” and he insisted that he, for one, repudiated Socialism!

An obvious reason for the “debate,” always a favorite Left liberal device, seems to have been to give Nathan the opportunity of confronting a notorious American Socialist and denying that ADA was a Socialist-oriented body. The utility of such denials can be inferred from the fact that Robert R. Nathan, (13) a senior official of the organization, was still able in 1963 to mingle amicably with top executives of private industry, as a trustee of the Committee for Economic Development.(14)

To exploit the classic Fabian techniques of permeation and penetration, it was important for ADA spokesmen to quash any allegation of Socialism, even before it was raised. Caution was further imposed upon the small but increasingly powerful organization by a profound popular distrust of foreign “isms” still extant throughout the country. If ADA and its chosen instruments were generally recognized to be part of a world-wide Socialist movement seeking to liquidate the United States by easy stages, they would be repudiated by the great majority of the American electorate, including the bulk of organized labor.

Nobody was more alert to that danger or more patently eager to avert it than Walter Reuther, president of the United Automobile Workers Union, and presently heading the Industrial Union Division of the AFL-CIO. From 1951, Reuther had been a perennial vice chairman of Americans for Democratic Action, and his Washington attorney, Joseph L. Rauh, Jr., has held a series of executive posts in ADA. Asked on the Face the Nation broadcast for March 16, 1958, if he was ever a Socialist, Reuther replied, “Yes, but that was thirty years ago when I was very young and very foolish, and I got over it very quickly, for which I am very thankful.” Thirty years earlier, the Dies Committee was hearing testimony about Reuther’s postgraduate education in the Soviet Union and his presence at union caucuses of the Communist Party USA. (15) At that time, it hardly occurred to investigators to ask if he was also a Socialist.

Only three years before the Face the Nation broadcast, however, Walter Reuther had served on the committee for the 50th Anniversary Dinner of the League for Industrial Democracy—a Fabian Socialist organization with which, except for a brief interruption, he had been connected since his college days. In 1949, he had been invited to address the London Fabian Society on its native heath.(16) If, as Reuther said, he “got over” being a Socialist, there seems to be some confusion as to just when his reformation took place.

Adepts of social psychology since the days of Graham Wallas, the modern torchbearers of the American Fabian movement reacted swiftly against any public charge of foreign entanglements. When it was reported in Washington at the mid-century that ADA was somehow connected with Fabian Socialist leaders of the British Labour Party, the suggestion was protested with a vehemence that seemed excessive. Carey McWilliams, editor of The Nation, denounced it as the invention of black reactionaries bent on destroying the children of light. Going further, he ascribed it to “paranoid delusions, of which our reactionaries are the victims.”(17)

Yet in a foreword to the volume in which those rash statements appeared, McWilliams acknowledged his own “deep indebtedness to Dr. Alexander Meiklejohn, with whom I had the honor to collaborate in a brief submitted to the U.S. Supreme Court in the case of the Hollywood Ten.” Dr. Meiklejohn, once president of the University of Wisconsin, was a long time collaborator, official and board member of the LID, acknowledged affiliate of the London Fabian Society. Since factual refutation seemed impossible, name-calling, slander and charges of mental ill-health were the standard retort of American Fabians to any outsider seeking to link them with their British brethren.

Referring to Senator Jenner’s speech in 1949 about an ADA booklet advertising summer study-tours to Britain, Clifton Brock said plaintively, ‘`Thus the initial tactic in the campaign to destroy ADA’s reputation was to associate it with Britain’s Labour Government.” (18) Whatever the Senator’s motive may have been, the connection to which he pointed was an inescapable and enduring fact. As late as 1960, the Fabian News, in its roster of local events, announced a joint meeting of the Central London Fabian Society with Americans for Democratic Action, held on July 13 at Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, London, W.C.I. (19)

With rare indiscretion, the Fabian Society Annual Report for 1949-50 had also announced two receptions held by the Society for its American associates:

“A reception for James Loeb and some members of the Americans for Democratic Action was addressed by Austin Albu, M.P., who spoke on the history and work of the Fabian Society. Patrick Gordon Walker, M.P. acted as host, and other delegates to COMISCO attended.(20)

“The second reception was for the United States delegation to the first conference of the International Confederation of Free Trades Unions of the World. The guests were received by the Rt. Hon. James Griffiths, M.P. and speeches on behalf of the guests were made by Walter Reuther (CIO j and David Dubinsky (AFL). Both of these receptions were organized in conjunction with the Director of the London Bureau of Americans for Democratic Action.”

From the foregoing, it appears that James Loeb, Jr., then National Executive Secretary of ADA, and his unnamed companions were delegates to COMISCO, the Committee of the International Socialist Conference. Their host at the reception, Patrick Gordon Walker, became the British Labour Party’s chief spokesman on foreign affairs, and in October, 1964, was named Foreign Secretary following a narrow Labour Party victory at the polls. The Director of the London Bureau of ADA, who arranged both receptions, has been identified as David C. Williams (21)—former Rhodes Scholar and member of the Fabian Society, who had sent Patrick Gordon Walker to the United States when ADA was in process of being organized.

In April, 1952, according to Fabian News, David C. Williams addressed a meeting of Members of Parliament on America’s Point Four program for aid to underdeveloped nations. An article by Williams on the same subject appeared in the November, 1952, issue of Venture, organ of the Fabian Commonwealth Bureau. There Williams faithfully followed the line laid down by the Socialist International at its Milan Conference in 1951, and anticipated some points in the International’s 1955 declaration on SUNFED. (22) He assured his readers, for, instance, that the United States would not use the “power of the purse” to influence recipient nations, and said that private American capital—except for oil interests—was reluctant to invest in the program. Since such “investment” was supposed to be on a virtually nonprofit, no-return basis, it is not astonishing that private investors failed to find it attractive.

Other articles by ADA keynoters continued to appear in official British Fabian publications, never known to give space to any writer not affiliated in some way with the international Socialist movement. In May, 1954, Fabian International Review published “Eisenhower and Foreign Policy,” by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., then national co-chairman of ADA. Fabian News for the same month advertised it as an “important article,” a clear hint that all members of the Society should read it. The article was important for non-Fabians, too, because it announced with a candor quite unlike ADA’s more guarded pronouncements at home, the intention of Left liberals to gain control over both the foreign and military policies of the United States.

Its author was a second generation Harvard professor, whose father was a lifelong crony of Felix Frankfurter. Schlesinger, Jr. had been brought up to believe that Sacco and Vanzetti were saints, and that all who denied it were devils, and that radicalism was really Americanism. He graduated in 1938 from Harvard, a classmate of Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr. Though a non-Catholic himself, Schlesinger, Jr. chose for his senior honors essay to write a life of Orestes A. Brownson, a brilliant nineteenth century convert to Catholicism. It was published the following year and became a selection of the Catholic Book Club.

Some say the subject was suggested to him by Harold Laski, an old family friend and frequent house guest. Laski had been Joe Kennedy, Jr.’s teacher at the London School of Economics, and being convinced that young Joe had a great future in American politics, he may have wished to bring the two young men together on a basis acceptable to the elder Kennedys. As things turned out, it was Jack Kennedy to whom Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. attached himself in later years, both as a campaign aide and White House adviser.

Fluent, intelligent and supremely self-assured, Schlesinger, Jr. attended Cambridge University in 1938-39 as a “Henry fellow.” (23) Known since infancy to Harold Laski, young Arthur was warmly received in British Fabian circles and treated as a member of the Society. Toward the end of World War II, he had an opportunity to renew those contacts when he went overseas for the Office of Strategic Services, being employed in a clerical capacity in London, Paris and Germany. At that time—as he states wryly in Who’s Who in America—Schlesinger, Jr. “attained the high rank of corporal” in the Army of the United States, just as Adolf Hitler had done in the World War I Austrian Army—a circumstance which hardly qualified either of them to formulate overall military policies for their nations.

In his article for Fabian International Review, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. pointed out that control of military policy by Left liberals in the United States was only a preliminary step to gaining control of foreign policy. Discussing demands of American”liberals” at the time for a larger defense budget, he explained to his Fabian readers that from the “liberal viewpoint” the Eisenhower budget was “not a security budget, but a fiscal budget”—that is, motivated not by calm consideration of defense needs, but “by a fanatical passion to reduce taxes and move toward a balanced budget.” He added:

“I suspect that the drift of this argument has carried me outside the orbit of many British Socialists. The hard fact of the matter is that, where in Britain the left appears to want to cut the defense budget, in the United States the most effective liberals are opposed to the Eisenhower Administration’s policy of cutting defense spending [that is, as of 1954].”

Schlesinger suggested that American “liberals” had their own fiscal motivation—a strictly Keynesian one. They favored large defense outlays for the moment, not so much because of actual defense needs, as because this imposed a policy of large-scale public “investment” and deficit spending. “Above all,” Schlesinger concluded, “it has become evident that liberals could not hope to control foreign policy unless they were ready to try and control defense policy. . . . Military power becomes the master of foreign policy, not when there is too much of it but when there is too little.”(24)

Apprised of those weighty considerations, the Fabian-steered Congress of the Socialist International in its SUNFED Declaration of 1955 ordered the disarmament question to be temporarily soft-pedaled by international Socialists, and aid to backward nations stressed instead. It stated:

“. . . The trend of discussion at the U.N. has encouraged the belief that the creation of SUNFED might be made dependent on progress in disarmament . . . A world-wide agreement on disarmament would be extremely helpful; but we need not and should not wait for it, doing nothing in the meanwhile about economic plans. In fact, economic development in underdeveloped areas may itself lead to a decrease in world tension and may expedite talks on disarmament. Anyway, economic development is of sufficient importance to be considered on its own merits.” (25)

There followed in l956 the Millikan-Rostow Report, submitted to the National Security Council in Washington and advocating among other things what Senator Hubert Humphrey of ADA enthusiastically termed the SUNFED philosophy. The Report proposed a lump sum appropriation up to 12 billion dollars, to be dispensed by the United States Government over a period of five years in the form of long-term, low-interest loans to underprivileged nations. At the close of the first five-year plan, a second five-year plan of equal magnitude was envisioned, whether or not the original funds were repaid.

In fact, as the Millikan-Rostow Report (p. 79) loftily remarked, “The narrow criterion of whether a project can repay from its own revenues is at best irrelevant and at worst misleading.”(26) Most of this fantastic proposal was embodied in the U.S. Development Fund Loan Bill, presented to the United States Congress in 1957. Although the amount was trimmed before passage and placed on an annual appropriation basis, the spirit of the International’s declaration was preserved.

To induce the United States Government to adopt—even piecemeal and unawares—a program of the Socialist International, and to persuade the Socialist International to adjust its own timetable in accordance with the plans of Left liberals in America, was no small accomplishment. It presumed a more systematic interchange than was revealed in occasional articles by ADA keynoters, and occasional summit meetings between American Fabians and foreign Socialists. Regular and dependable communications were required between the political arm of the American Fabian movement and the Fabian policy planners of the British Labour Party, who dominated the Socialist International.

Obviously, the simplest control-measure was to assign a reliable agent of the Fabian Society to an obscure but central position in ADA. From the start, this function appears to have been entrusted to David C. Williams, a man of many hats in ADA. By temperament, training and connections he was well-qualified for such duty. Unlike other Rhodes Scholars of his circle at Oxford, Williams aspired to no public eminence, but was content to work industriously and almost anonymously within the confines of the Fabian Socialist movement. He was a transparency, through which the light emanating from New Fabian Research—where the policy-making operations of the Society resided—was transmitted to the American faithful for adaptation to home usage.

Following his graduation from Oxford, Williams had returned for a few years to Ohio, where he engaged in teaching, engineering research and organizational work for the Teachers’ Union. He became secretary of the Ohio Federation of Teachers, at about the same time that the British-born Mark Starr was climbing to national office in the organization. As secretary of the Ohio joint AFL-CIO legislative committee Williams lobbied for organized labor at the State Capitol, and in 1944 attempted (and failed) to obtain a seat in the Ohio Legislature.

During the final year of World War II he returned to London, where he represented the Union for Democratic Action and both the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organization—despite the fact that the AFL and CIO did not formally merge until ten years later. Williams also managed the Union for Democratic Action Educational Fund, a somewhat mysterious tax free foundation which survived at least until 1954. That year ADA, according to its own financial statement, “borrowed” $500 from the Fund.

David Williams was in London during 1945 and saw the Fabian-controlled Labour Party sweep to power. It is reliably reported that he participated in the operation, and certainly his sympathies were deeply involved. The suggestion has been made that Williams’ office was the channel through which substantial sums were routed by Socialist-led trade unions in America, to insure the Labour Party’s victory in the 1945 British elections—this in return for a promise of an early solution to the Palestine question, diplomatically referred to by Williams in his Fabian Journal article of 1947.

Knowledgeable persons regard David C. Williams as the true begetter of Americans for Democratic Action, and almost always a reliable clue to its operational policy. His articles, published by left wing journals in America and England, are not mere expressions of personal bias meant to exemplify that “freedom of discussion” on which ADA, like the Fabian Society, prides itself. They reflect the approved ADA line of the moment, as does the ADA World he has edited for years. More than any other person, Williams helped to shape that homogenized viewpoint on political, economic and social questions which marks ADA followers, for all their tendency to be critical of individuals, including each other.

Since 1947, ADA World has employed the device of the Congressional Score Card, previously used by the Union for Democratic Action. Originally, UDA collaborated with Michael Straight—publisher of The New Republic and son of its long time financial angel, Dorothy Whitney Straight Elmhirst—in issuing a rundown on members of Congress from the Left liberal point of view. Entitled “A Congress to Win the War,” it was first published as a supplement to The New Republic of May 18, 1942, and thereafter widely circulated in pamphlet form among academic and professional groups. Each legislator was given a plus or minus mark, according to whether his vote on selected issues was for or against the views of UDA.

As adapted by ADA World, the Score Card graded members of Congress percentage-wise for their voting record on bills rated important to the success of the ADA Fabian Socialist program. Issued annually as a Congressional Supplement, the Score Card not only alerted ADA followers to the stand they were expected to take on specific issues; but also warned legislators of impending reprisals in forthcoming election campaigns. Its effects were first demonstrated in the 1948 campaign, when 79 congressmen, 5 senators and 4 governors who had been endorsed and backed by ADA were elected to office. (27) Among those newly elected senators were two ADA leaders, Paul Douglas and Hubert Humphrey, the latter becoming first Democratic Party whip in the Senate and then Vice President of the United States. A former mid-west field director of ADA, Richard Bolling, was sent to the House from Missouri.

Though ADA claimed a national membership of only twenty-eight thousand at the time, its strength was swelled by the campaign efforts of the CIO-Political Action Committee, whose judgments coincided almost invariably with those of ADA. This was not surprising, since the CIO-Political Action Committee’s stand on individuals and issues was largely dictated by the Reuther brothers, Walter, Victor and Roy —all devout supporters of ADA. Similarly, an army of International Ladies Garment Workers and their families marched in regimented ranks to the polls, to register approval or disapproval of political candidates as rated by ADA—according to precepts and principles originating in New Fabian Research.

With the merger of the AFL and CIO in 195S, the functions of the Political Action Committee were taken over by the joint Committee on Political Education, known as COPE, a more potent and even more adequately financed body, for which ADA supplied both candidates and ideology. It was a setup similar to that envisaged long before by George Bernard Shaw, in which labor was to provide the money and votes for election campaigns—and Socialist intellectuals were to supply the leadership, programs and political jobholders at local, state and national levels. Labor furnished the real lobbying power behind ADA programs in Washington, where Americans for Democratic Action confessed to having only one registered lobbyist receiving the modest salary of $9,000 per year. Meanwhile, ADA continued to produce a stream of “expert” witnesses for Congressional committees—virtually “running an underground railway” between Capitol Hill, Harvard University and Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

Potency of the combination can be inferred from the fact that ADA made at least one-third of their proposed policies effective in Congress from 1947 to 1960. (28) This analysis does not disclose the relative importance of the policies put over by ADA, nor take into account partial ADA victories. Deprecated by ADA spokesmen as a frustrating performance, falling far short of their own high hopes, it actually denoted an alarmingly high rate of progress for a small Socialist-inspired organization claiming a national membership of at most forty thousand persons and an annual budget of some $130,000.

A possible weakness in the ADA power structure, seldom mentioned by ADA publicists or their opponents, is the fact that only a small executive fraction of organized labor has been consciously involved in such maneuvers. While it is true that the so-called educational propaganda prepared by COPE reaches millions of Americans, via broadcasts, television, union newspapers and syndicated ADA columnists, its actual operations are controlled by a few powerful and sophisticated union chieftains. They represent the Socialist-minded minority, not the majority of union labor. Notably, they are leaders of the United Auto Workers and the International Ladies Garment Workers.

By coincidence, these are the very unions which have contributed most regularly and faithfully to the support of ADA national headquarters, even when other unions fell away. An estimate based on ADA’s own fiscal statements shows the total amount given directly by the ILGWU from 1947 through 1958 as $231,000, and the UAW total as $165,000. (29) To avoid conflict with the law, since 1951 such funds have been paid into ADA’s “nonpolitical” account—if anything connected with that organization can properly be termed nonpolitical. Possibly the services of Joseph L. Rauh, Jr., and the frequent sums “in excess of $100” donated by him and members of his immediate family to ADA, may be reckoned as an indirect UAW contribution.

ADA spokesmen, while admitting that in its early years one-third of the organization’s income came from labor unions, (30) point out that by 1960 a mere one-tenth of its annual budget was derived from union sources. This recalls the old story of the girl who had the baby out of wedlock, and excused herself by saying, “It was such a little one!” Whether such contributions were authorized by vote of the rank-and-file union membership is not recorded.

The ILGWU and the UAW have donated larger amounts of their members’ hard-earned cash to finance world-wide activities of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. Moreover, it is in great part due to the leaders of those two globally-oriented American labor unions that the AFL-CIO has been induced to contribute an annual one million dollars since 1955, to support the labor arm of the Socialist International.(31) In July, 1963, Walter Reuther, president of the United Auto Workers and heir-presumptive to the presidency of the AFL-CIO, took an expense-paid trip to Harpsund, Sweden, to attend what proved to be a joint meeting of various European leaders of the Socialist International and the Confederation of Free Trade Unions. (32)

Reuther was accompanied by Senator Hubert Humphrey, another pillar of ADA. Though the two Americans were prudently described as “observers,” one wonders why they could not have found something in the whole wide world of a less officially Socialist character to observe.

Twelve months later that rustic conclave at the country home of Sweden’s Socialist Prime Minister, Tage Erlander, was repeated, with very many of the same personages attending. On July 4, 1964, it was announced in Socialist International Information that “the following have been invited, among others: Willy Brandt, Harold Wilson, Jens-Otto Krag, Giuseppe Saragat, Senator Hubert Humphrey and Walter Reuther. The meeting will be held in private, as was a similar meeting in Harpsund last year.” With refreshing candor, this front-page item was headlined “Socialist Leaders to Meet in Harpsung!” The meeting was scheduled for August 1-2, when Hubert Humphrey was already the Democratic Party’s candidate for the Vice Presidency of the United States.


If Americans for Democratic Action in some ways belied its name, at least nobody could deny that (to paraphrase Max Beerbohm) it stood for action with a capital H. Its members were frenetically busy people who never stopped trying to promote their programs and, incidentally, themselves. Chiefly they consisted—as one ADA sympathizer said—”of academic intellectuals, the more socially conscious union leaders and members, municipal reformers, and other assorted groups and individuals of liberal [sic] political and economic inclinations.” (33)

Because of its volubility and persistence, the organization made a good deal~more noise than its size seemed to warrant. Moreover, ADA had a tendency to arrogate to itself a monopoly on civic virtue and public interest legislation. This irritated well-meaning citizens who happened to believe that desirable reforms need not invariably be achieved by the enlargement of Federal powers. Undeterred by occasional setbacks which they mourned publicly but from which they usually managed to extract some advantage, ADA’s followers continued to spread their influence, via education and political action, into many high and otherwise sacrosanct places. (34)

In 1950, when only three and a half years old, ADA claimed to have 123 chapters in thirty states with a membership of nearly thirty-five thousand. Already it could boast of having made inroads into the Democratic Party machine. Eight major planks of the Fair Deal platform on which President Truman campaigned in 1948 coincided with ADA objectives—including the controversial civil rights plank which ADA delegates, led by Mayor Hubert Humphrey of Minneapolis, forced on the Democratic National Convention.

A number of President Truman’s key administrative appointments (though perhaps not so many as ADA would have wished) went to ADA members and friends after 1948. This was the pay-off for contributions, electoral and fiscal, made to Truman’s surprise victory by ADA labor leaders Dubinsky, Reuther et al. ADA announced that their role in political campaigns was to supply “the margin of victory:” a formula by which a minority claims the credit for swinging narrowly-won popular elections.

By the time the next national elections rolled around, Americans for Democratic Action had gathered enough intra-Party strength to sway a majority of delegates at the Democratic National Convention. In 1952, ADA was able to name a presidential candidate, Adlai Stevenson. Old pros of the Democratic Party suspected that no matter whom the Democrats ran that year, he was bound to lose. The country definitely wanted a change, and General Eisenhower with his World War II laurels and his heart-warming grin seemed an unbeatable popular candidate—as ADA had recognized four years earlier, when it tactlessly tried to persuade Eisenhower to enter the Democratic primary against his titular Commander-in-chief, President Truman.(35)

It was not necessary that ADA leaders supposed Dwight D. Eisenhower to be a Socialist or even a Left liberal. They regarded him as a political general who owed his spectacular rise in the armed forces to the New Deal and General George C. Marshall, and who was never known to have clashed with either—not even when ordered to halt American troops outside Berlin, so that Russian armies were the first to enter the city. While in London during World War II, Eisenhower had mingled affably though not intimately with Fabian Socialists in the British wartime Cabinet; (36) and apparently they concluded he might be amenable to management as a future President of the United States. General Eisenhower, however, proved cold to ADA’s 1948 proposition. He waited and received a more proper bid for 1952 from a group of Eastern Republicans.

Adlai Stevenson, whom ADA in its political wisdom chose to run against Eisenhower in two consecutive elections, was a candidate of another stripe. By his own statements, Stevenson was committed body and soul to ADA’s welfare state and One World goals. With minor reservations, he had been charitably inclined toward the Soviet Union ever since he visited Moscow in 1926, as a cub reporter for his family’s newspaper, the Bloomington Pantagraph. Stevenson had a barbed wit and a cultivated charm seemingly irresistible to Left liberals, who applauded him as madly in defeat as if he were a victor.

The ADA World in November, 1948 had mentioned Adlai Stevenson as “one of the original founders of ADA in Chicago.” As late as February, 1952, the same house organ referred to him as “a charter member of ADA.” Yet Stevenson wrote that very year im a letter to the late Senator Pat McCarran: “As for ADA, I have never been a member of it.” (37) Skeptics pointed out that Adlai was notoriously absentminded. Undeniably he owed his election as Governor of Illinois in 1948, to efforts of the Independent Voters of Illinois, an ADA affiliate and a regular donor to ADA’s national headquarters fund. Since the Independent Voters of Illinois, however, had retained its corporate independence, members of that organization could still state with legal accuracy that they did not belong to ADA.

At best it was a transparent subterfuge, deceiving nobody but the general public. Both politicians and personal admirers knew Adlai as ADA’s boy. For his 1952 campaign manager, he chose Wilson Wyatt, founder-member and first national chairman of Americans for Democratic Action.(38) Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.—member of ADA’s national board, chairman of its Massachusetts chapter and secretary of its foreign policy commission(39)—was Stevenson’s special assistant on campaign issues and tactics. Only a few years before, ADA executive secretary James Loeb, Jr. had remarked complacently: “If ADA has any short range liability, it has been its insistence on political integrity.” Under the Kennedy-Johnson Administration Adlai Stevenson, that paragon of political integrity, became United States Ambassador to the United Nations.

The repeated candidacy of Adlai Stevenson had more value for ADA than it did for the Democratic Party. Even as a loser, he provided a national sounding board for ADA’s Fabian Socialist propaganda, within the respectable framework of the two party system. More important still, as titular leader of the Democratic Party for eight years, Stevenson was able to deliver its national machinery into the hands of his ADA backers and associates.

Thus Americans for Democratic Action, during a period of apparent defeat, was able to solidify its influence not only on the Democratic National Committee, but also on local and state Democratic committees in virtually all states outside the Solid South. It had a bigger voice than ever in selecting congressional candidates, and it concentrated on winning congressional elections. The results were visible in the increased number of ADA-approved candidates sent to Capitol Hill in 1956 and after. For the first time in history, dedicated if unavowed agents of international Socialism gained effective control over the mechanics and patronage of a major political party in the United States. Not even Franklin D. Roosevelt had been able to change the pattern of the Party’s operations so completely.

This situation prevailed in April, 1960, when Chester Bowles of Connecticut, a founder of ADA, and the late Philip Perlman of Maryland, U.S. Solicitor General under Truman and long an ADA sympathizer, (40) were named chairman and vice chairman of the Democratic Party’s election year platform committee. Both belonged to the Democratic Advisory Council, a Left liberal caucus within the Party. Bowles held regional platform hearings in ADA strongholds like Philadelphia, St. Louis and Detroit, at which local ADA leaders aired their views. At least four other ADA members were named to the platform committee, including Joseph Rauh, Jr., sworn enemy of loyalty investigations and advocate of enlisting the Executive power to impose a de facto merger of racial elements in the United States. Rauh was the busiest single member of a subcommittee appointed to draft the Party platform.

In all but wording, the final document approved by the Democratic Convention in Los Angeles and ironically entitled “The Rights of Man,” was a replica of the platform adopted by ADA at its own annual convention. (41) Besides a provocative civil rights plank, openly inviting civil disturbances, it contained a civil liberties plank dictated by Rauh that might, if enacted into law, seriously impede the FBI in collecting evidence on cases of espionage or treason for prosecution by the U.S. Attorney General. Even so tolerant an observer as Professor Brock has described the 1960 Democrat platform as the most radical ever adopted by a major political party in this country. Far from being discarded at a later date as mere campaign oratory, it became the visible operating program of the Kennedy-Johnson Administration.

In the field of higher education, Students for Democratic Action (SDA) had been established by 1950 on 100 colleges and campuses. Its revolving membership was described merely as “exceeding 3000.”(42) Based on the same arithmetic, it can be computed that within ten years quite a few thousands of those anonymous trainees held positions in government, private industry, research foundations and the teaching profession. Normally, the better positions were obtained on the strength of superior college grades and recommendations supplied by liberal professors and deans.

A true-life Horatio Alger story of the Left may be seen in the career of Theodore Sorensen, once a model SDA member at the University of Nebraska. Sorensen’s father had been campaign manager for Senator George Norris—original sponsor of TVA and one of those Progressive Republicans known in their day as the sons of the wild jackass. While still in law school, young Ted lobbied at the State Legislature for a Fair Employment Practices Act. He registered with his local draft board as a conscientious objector, following the pacifist example set by his parents.

At the age of twenty-three, Ted Sorensen went to Washington, poor and apparently friendless. There he found work with the Government in a series of routine jobs; but continued dutifully to attend ADA conventions. He soon attracted the notice of powerful patrons. Less than two years after arriving in the nation’s capital, he was recommended by Senator Paul Douglas of ADA for the position of legislative aide to the newly elected and very wealthy junior Senator from Massachusetts, John F. Kennedy. After interviewing his prospective employer to make sure the two of them were “not too far apart on basic policy,” Sorensen took the job. Eight years later he accompanied his boss to the White House, in the capacity of confidential assistant.(43)

From conversations with several hundred present-day college students in various parts of the country, it is evident to this writer that a strong reason for the appeal of Left liberalism to aspiring youth has been the diligence of adult ADA members in acting as an unofficial placement service. At the same time, Left-leaning professors—whose own tenure is assured by the joint ADA-Civil Liberties Union battles for so-called academic freedom—can threaten conservative students with failure and loss of credits for giving “wrong answers” in opinion-forming courses.(44) Thus traditional American values are reversed, with Left liberalism becoming entrenched as the current status quo.

Like members of the Fabian Society who took positions with the Federation of British Industries, ADA members entering industry or public service usually renounced any formal connection with ADA. They became part of a diffused but growing army of ADA nonmembers advancing that organization’s ideas in ever-widening areas of American life. While ADA’s official membership figures remained in the vicinity of thirty-five to forty thousand, the range of its contacts expanded progressively throughout the apparently frustrating fifties.

In l957, Americans for Democratic Action convened to celebrate its 10th anniversary, meeting once more for sentimental reasons at the Willard Hotel in Washington. Twelve hundred delegates attended from all parts of the country. Old-timers of the League for Industrial Democracy were still very much in evidence. Speakers included the perennial Senators Douglas, Humphrey and Neuberger, with Wayne Morse of Oregon added to the list. (45) (Senator Morse’s melodramatic move from the Republican to the Democratic side of the Senate aisle did not alter the fact that he was first and foremost a Socialist both in words and deeds.) Walter Reuther, James B. Carey, A. Philip Randolph spoke for the unions, some of which after straying away had returned that year to the fold. (46) Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., Harvard historian, composed a not unflattering history of ADA for the occasion.

Conspicuous among the newer recruits was the towering figure and booming voice of Governor Theodore Roosevelt McKeldin of Maryland, (47) who had placed the name of Dwight D. Eisenhower in nomination at the Republican National Convention of 1952. Governor McKeldin’s presence indicated that during the past decade ADA had also made some slight progress in permeating the Republican Party. Theoretically, it was the purpose of ADA to work inside both major parties, in order to gain dual support for its own Fabian Socialist programs. In July, 1950, former Attorney General Francis Biddle, testifying before a Congressional Committee as national chairman of ADA, reaffirmed this intention, while disclaiming any Socialist bias. “My thought,” said Biddle, “is that we operate 90-some per cent in the Democratic area and a very small per cent in the Republican— and oh! that the Republican area were larger!” (48)

At that time Biddle was asked, “Have you [in the ADA] ever supported any Republican candidates?” He replied, “Yes, in the New York Mayoralty election we supported Newbold Morris against O’Dwyer.” (Newbold Morris, it may be recalled, addressed the LID’s 40th Anniversary Dinner in 1945, and there uttered warm words of praise for Norman Thomas.) Biddle further noted that ADA had backed Congressmen Richard Hoffman of Chicago and Jacob Javits of New York.

Since the price of ADA endorsement is support of its policies, the path pursued by its favorites can be surmised. During eight years as a Republican Congressman, Jacob K. Javits voted the ADA way on 82 of 87 roll calls and earned a rating of 94 per cent on its Score Card. (49) Despite his fidelity Javits failed to get official ADA backing when he ran for the office of New York Attorney General in 1954. The alleged reason was that his rival, former Congressman Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., had a pluperfect ADA voting record. While some of Javits’ friends professed to regard this as base ingratitude, it is unlikely Javits saw it that way. For the first time in his life, he needed conservative upstate votes to win.

Born and bred on New York City’s lower East Side, a cherished speaker for years at LID (50) functions and those of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, Javits required no printed endorsement to carry Manhattan, the Bronx and much of Brooklyn. He could hardly have lost the garment workers’ vote if he had tried. On the other hand, a public announcement of ADA support, confirming rumors of his radical ties, might have been the kiss of death for Javits in suburban and upstate districts. A shrewd and accomplished campaigner, he could manage very well without such endorsement. From the apparently disinterested regularity with which he has voted for ADA programs ever since, it was obvious he harbored no grudge. As the senior senator from New York State in 1963, Javits still scored 94 per cent by ADA standards (51)—higher than any other senator on the Republican side of the aisle. Of course, he firmly denies being a Socialist.

ADA and labor union endorsements of political candidates are often separate but identical, especially if the union in question is the ILGWU. As the British-born Socialist, Mark Starr, explained, however, the complexion of the minority groups composing the ILGWU’s rank-and-file has altered over the years. A large proportion of the membership—which remains numerically stable, despite a heavy turnover in individual members—now consists of Negro, Puerto Rican and Mexican women.(52) The sole political issue that really engrosses them is civil rights; so in a sense, the fate of the ILGWU leadership may be said to hinge on that issue.

The old immigrant garment-maker from Eastern Europe is no more —except for a little group of laborites, whom David Dubinsky is said to have “rescued from the Nazis in Poland” during World War II, and brought to this country. (53) One of the latter, Henoch Mendelsund, today heads the ILGWU’s potent Joint Dress Board. As for the children and grandchildren of older European radicals who founded the garment workers union, they have prospered under the American system and many are today doctors, lawyers, college professors and civil servants. Far from becoming what the old-style unionist contemptuously referred to as “alrightniks,” a number of them are now the backbone of the Fabian Socialist ADA.

The present-day ILGWU not only endorses candidates, but also instructs its four hundred thousand plus members, their families and friends how to vote. It organizes union participation in political campaigns, to an extent not permitted by law even in Britain. In New York City the ILGWU, acting jointly with the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, has organized a private political party: the so-called Liberal Party, which elects its own captive congressmen and also has an important voice in the City and State governments. Elsewhere the ILGWU adapts its political activities to the local scene.

An official report of the General Executive Board to the ILGWU convention, meeting in May, 1962, at Atlantic City, told how the union “played a critical part in four important contests throughout the nation, aside from the national election of the Kennedy-Johnson ticket in November, 1960.” In San Antonio, Texas, for example:

“. . . former ILGWU staff member Henry Gonzales won a special election to fill a vacancy. Gonzales is the first American of Mexican background to be elected to Congress from Texas. For years he was a vigorous champion of civil rights as a member of the Texas State Senate. Several minutes after taking his oath as a Congressman, he handed the clerk of the House a bill calling for abolition of the poll tax. Within 48 hours after his election, Gonzales, after visiting with Pres. Dubinsky in the General Office, pitched into a 12-hour whirlwind drive throughout New York City in behalf of Mayor Wagner’s candidacy.” (54)

Gonzales gained some newspaper notoriety in 1963, reportedly for slugging a fellow-congressman who had referred to him as a radical.

Like Americans for Democratic Action, the ILGWU has occasionally supported Republicans in city or state elections—or else has appeared to give them an even break. Two contests in New Jersey involving Republicans were mentioned in the report of the Executive Board: (55)

“The peculiar feature of the New Jersey election in November, 1961 was the fact that two men classified as liberals were in a contest for the office of governor. The Republican candidate, former Secretary of Labor James P. Mitchell, had won the nomination in a primary contest against a conservative opponent.

“He then faced the liberal Democratic nominee, Richard Hughes. Because both candidates were broadly ‘1iberal,’ ILGWU units made their own choices in endorsements. It was apparent from the results which, despite contrary predictions, brought victory for Hughes, that garment workers and others clearly perceived the difference in his favor.

“In this instance, the ILGWU followed an earlier precedent: In 1960, Jersey ILGers, acting on the basis of Republican Senator Case’s liberal record, endorsed both him and Democratic candidate Lord. Case won reelection.” (56)

Senator Case in 1963 rated a high 88 per cent on the ADA Score Card.

For the Presidency and Vice Presidency, ADA and its allies have supported none but Democratic Party candidates to date. They have often been accused, however, of seeking to influence pro or con the Republican Party’s choice of nominees. Aside from the fact that left wing labor groups have been known to work in Republican primaries for the defeat of conservative candidates, and that ADA publicists always offer the Republican Party a great deal of unsolicited and somewhat suspect advice, evidence of ADA intervention is purely circumstantial. The’ case most frequently cited is that of the Republican Advance, a high level caucus of Eastern Republicans believed to have long since faded away.

Early in July, 1950,—just before former Attorney General Biddle on July 7, 1950, confessed to a House Committee ADA’s deep desire to extend its influence in Republican circles—Republicans from ten Eastern states held a week-long meeting and formed the Republican Advance Committee. Its declared object was to develop a program for the Republican Party that could compete successfully with the New Deal-Fair Deal program. A less advertised purpose was to select a Republican standard-bearer for 1952 other than Senator Robert Taft of Ohio, Republican leader on Capitol Hill.

Among political figures involved in the Advance, before or after its creation, were: Governor Thomas E. Dewey of New York, titular head of the Republican Party, and his close associate, Herbert Brownell, who became Attorney General in the Eisenhower Cabinet; Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, later Ambassador to the United Nations, and his brother, Governor John Lodge of Connecticut, later Ambassador to Spain; Senator Ralph Flanders of Vermont; and New Hampshire’s Governor Sherman Adams of unhappy memory. It was this group which invited General Eisenhower to run for the Presidency in 1952, and which steered him into the White House.

Financial backers of the Republican Advance were reported to include Nelson A. Rockefeller, who became Under Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare in the Eisenhower Administration, and Sidney J. Weinberg, a partner in the Wall Street firm of Goldman, Sachs and a member since 1933 of the Business Advisory Council of the Department of Commerce, now called the Business Council. Only persons in the Advance group visibly associated with ADA were Russell Davenport, (57) an editor of Fortune magazine, and Governor McKeldin of Maryland.

Any part ADA may have played in instigating the Republican Advance is not susceptible of proof. It can merely be pointed out that the Fabian technique of permeation, as defined by Margaret Cole, envisaged persuading nonmembers of the Society to carry out, often unconsciously, the work and the will of Fabians. This has been the technique most often used by Left liberals of the United States in attempting to gain a foothold in Republican councils—as contrasted with their more direct and widespread penetration of the Democratic Party. It can also be said that in some respects the original aims of the Republican Advance were not displeasing to ADA.

Admittedly, ADA had a prime interest in blocking the Presidential nomination of Senator Taft, a man of strongly defined conservative principles. Labor’s Political Action Committee had denounced him for his joint authorship of the Taft-Hartley Act, since invoked by Democrat and Republican Presidents alike in moments of threatened national crisis. Yet Taft always carried his own heavily unionized state of Ohio by large majorities. For many months before the Republican Convention of 1952, ADA’s ever-growing corps of news commentators, political pollsters and syndicated columnists assisted in spreading the lethal rumor: “Taft can’t win!” A somewhat comparable situation arose in 1963-64, when political seers throughout the country united as if with one voice to downgrade the popular appeal of Senator Barry Goldwater.

In 1959, an ADA publicist engaged once more in the gratuitous sport of trying to pick a future Republican Presidential candidate. The Progressive for February, 1959, carried an article entitled “Rockefeller in Washington,” by David C. Williams, editor of the official ADA World and voice of the Fabian Society in America. Williams compared Nelson A. Rockefeller’s “blinding charm” to that of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He explained that Rockefeller, by virtue of a long record of collaboration with New Deal-Fair Deal programs, had personally succeeded in “transcending’ the traditions of his party. Finally, Williams suggested that if Nelson Rockefeller were able to “escape the limitations of his own party” and “tap fresh sources of power” he might make an acceptable President by Left liberal standards.(58)

Variously referred to in British Fabian Socialist literature as international director and research-and-educational director of Americans for Democratic Action, David Williams had stated in an earlier work, The Intelligent Socialist’s Guide to America: “ADA is not a political party. It operates very much as the early Fabian Society did seeking to permeate the existing parties.” In advising Left liberals that Nelson Rockefeller was a promising medium for permeating the Republican Party at the top, Williams was merely perpetuating a time-honored tactic of American as well as British Fabian Socialists. Fabians had long concentrated on “educating” the offspring of prominent families —partly, perhaps, with a view to traducing famed conservative names.

Nelson Rockefeller seems to have been exposed to such psychological seduction since childhood. As a boy he attended the experimental Lincoln School, together with three of his brothers, Winthrop, Lawrence and David. The Lincoln School was operated by Columbia University’s School of Education, then dominated by the ideas of John Dewey, father of so-called Progressive Education and a president of the Fabian Socialist LID. There a sense of personal guilt for all the world’s ills was instilled into young scions of wealth, who were simultaneously reminded of their duty to help fashion a new and better social order.

In his adult years, Nelson Rockefeller often referred to the New Order that was bound to come. As late as 1962, he was praised by Left liberals as the author of a book called The Future of Federalism. It has been described by Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas as a “plea for a ‘new world order’ with the United States taking the lead in fashioning a new federalism at the world level.” In other words, Rockefeller called openly for a type of World Government similar to that urged by Walt Whitman Rostow and others—where the independence of the United States, as we have known it, will be abolished.(59) Reviewing Rockefeller’s book for the Washington Post, Justice Douglas wrote, rather strangely for one entrusted with preserving the United States Constitution:

“He [Rockefeller] does the nation great service when he propounds the theme of this book…. It is bold in conception and sets America’s sights high.”(60)

Summoned to Washington during World War II with other Republicans whom FDR had recruited in the name of national unity, “Rockefeller surrounded himself,” says David C. Williams, “with forward-looking staff members, whose ideas he eagerly solicited and put to use.” (61) Others have noted that the wartime agency which Rockefeller headed, as Coordinator of Inter American Affairs, contained an inordinate number of Communist fellow-travelers and assorted Left liberals. Rockefeller reappeared in Washington in 1950, as chairman of Truman’s International Development Advisory Board, assigned to draft plans for United States aid to underdeveloped nations. Through the Rockefeller Brothers’ Fund, he issued a report, Partners in Progress, “calculated [as Williams says] to make a maximum impact on public opinion.”

The happy if unbusinesslike idea of an equal partnership between rich and poor nations was of British Fabian Socialist origin. The Fabian Journal for June 7, l9S2, (pp. 20ff.), carried an unsigned article, “Advance to Democracy: A Report to the Fabian Colonial Bureau on the Implications of ‘Partnership’ in Multi-Racial Societies.” Ernest Davies, Fabian Member of Parliament and son of the former Fabian Society chairman, A. Emil Davies, was among the chief spokesmen for this radical interpretation of “Partnership.”

It may be recalled that Ernest Davies worked in New York City during the nineteen-twenties as a newspaper reporter. Davies was the presiding officer in l954 and l955 of the first and second London Parliamentary Conference on World Government, which evolved two schemes for revision of the United Nations charter looking toward the creation of a World Government. According to letters received from participants, the second Conference decided to set schemes of World Government aside temporarily, in favor of a World Development Program. It is significant that the slogan of “Partnership”(62)—like the term “Fair Shares,” which in America became Truman’s Fair Deal—originated in a Fabian Socialist bureau in London.

As a private citizen, Rockefeller organized a National Conference on International Economic and Social Development in 1952. He criticized the limited aid given by the Truman Administration to backward countries and urged that such aid be continued on a more lavish scale under the Eisenhower Administration. In particular, he called it “disastrous” to have made economic aid an adjunct to military aid under the Mutual Security Act.

While it may be questioned whether Rockefeller realized he was serving the interests of the Socialist International more effectively than the interests of the United States, some members of his “forward-looking” staff were probably very aware of the implications. No doubt he also had a certain mundane interest in opening up new lands for oil exploration and new markets for Standard Oil products—never suspecting that opportunities for private enterprise were due to be severely limited, under the Socialist International’s plan for World Development.

As Under Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare in the Eisenhower Administration, Nelson Rockefeller insisted that all “security” cases be routed to him for review. (63) David Williams remarked approvingly that Rockefeller “was consistently liberal in his judgment on borderline cases—and his New Deal background was such that the appearance of the names of liberal [sic] organizations in a civil servant’s file did not alarm him, as it did many others ….” Among those others was the Secretary, Oveta Culp Hobby, a peppery and patriotic lady from Texas who once headed the Women’s Army Corps. For one reason or another, Rockefeller soon found himself forced to resign, but he persuaded Sherman Adams, presidential major domo, to create for him the novel post of special assistant to the President for foreign affairs.

David Williams makes much of the fact that Nelson Rockefeller— who was elected Governor of New York State in 1958 and 1962–worked serenely with the New Deal-Fair Deal in Washington, but was unhappy under the Eisenhower Administration. Williams suggests that Rockefeller’s basic mistake in politics has been the wrong choice of party. Apparently, an attempt was made in the forties to enroll him in the Democratic Party—like another born Republican of vast weald~, considerable social charm and none too profound intelligence, W. Averell Harriman, who had joined the Democrats long before. In spite of all temptations, Rockefeller remained for utilitarian reasons a Republican. Among the reasons he has given for doing so, perhaps the most interesting as well as the most cynical is quoted by David C. Williams:

“Liberal Republicans and liberal Democrats often advocate the same programs,” said Nelson Rockefeller, “but the Republicans have the advantage that they can execute them without destroying the confidence of business. . . .” (64)


1. Max Beer, Fifty Years of International Socialism (London, Allen and Unwin, 1935), p. 90.

2. Yearbook of the International Socialist Labour Movement, 1956-1957. Edited by Julius Braunthal, Secretary of the Socialist International. Under the auspices of the Socialist International and the Asian Socialist Conference (London, Lincolns-Prager, 1956), pp. 26-36.

3. Walter Theimer, The Encyclopedia of Modern World Politics (New York, Rinehart & Co., 1950), pp. 341-342.

4. Ibid., pp. 341-342; 379.

5. Zigmunt Zaremba, “Socialist-Communist Collaboration; A Discussion,” New Politics, A Quarterly (Winter, 1964), Vol. II, No. 1, p. 75).

6. Other integrated affiliates of the Socialist International are: the Asian Socialist Conference; the International Council of Social Democratic Women; the Socialist Union of Central-Eastern Europe; the International Union of Social Democratic Teachers.

7. Other inter-governmental organizations in which the International Organization of Socialist Youth enjoys consultative status are: the U.N. Economic and Social Council; the U. N. Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America; U.N. Food and Agricultural Organization; International Labor Organization; World Health Organization; High Commissioner for Refugees; Council of Europe; Conference of Consultative Non-Governmental Organizations, World Federation of United Nations Associations; International Student Movement for the United Nations; coordinating Secretariat of the National Unions of Students; European Youth Council. Yearbook of the International Socialist Labour Movement, 1956-1957, p. 106. (See Bibliography.)

8. Ibid., p. 109.

9. Ibid., pp. 105-106.

10. Ibid., p. 51.

11. Among them were: Chester Bowles, Ralph Bunche, Adlai Stevenson, Edward R. Murrow, Walter Reuther, and Alain Locke, then the only American Negro former Rhodes Scholar; as well as Senators Paul Douglas, Estes Kefauver, Ralph Flanders, Wayne Morse, Richard Neuberger.

12. Yearbook of the International Socialist Labour Movement, 1956-1957, p. 54. (See Bibliography). “The Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development (SUNFED): Joint Statement adopted by the Fourth Congress of the Socialist International and the Asian Socialist Conference.” This statement also declared (p. 53): “The policy of the borrowing countries . . . is definitely to restrict the influx of further private capital. Private investment cannot, therefore, be relied upon as the main source for the capital requirements of the underdeveloped countries. The Socialist parties in particular would not contemplate with equanimity an increase in private investors’ control over the economy of these countries.

“This leaves public investment as the real main source of external capital requirements.”

13. Previously Robert R. Nathan held high Government posts in the Roosevelt and Truman Administrations. During World War II he was chairman of the Planning Committee of the War Production Board and deputy director of the Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion. With ADA backing, he became a consultant to the President’s Committee on Economic Security, and was named economic adviser to France, Burma and the United Nations’ Korean Reconstruction Agency.

14. Committee for Economic Development, Report of Activities in 1963, from Thomas B. McCabe, Acting Chairman.

15. Investigation of Un-American Propaganda in the United States. Hearings before a Special Committee, House of Representatives, 75th Congress (Washington, U. S. Government Printing Office, 1938), Vol. III, pp. 2188 ff.

16. 67th Fabian Society Annual Report (July 1949-June 1950), p. 5.

17. Carey McWilliams, Witch Hunt: The Revival of Heresy (Boston, Little, Brown & Co., 1950), pp. 323-324.

18. Clifton Brock, Americans for Democratic Action (Washington, Public Affairs Press, 1962), p. 135.

19. Fabian News (July, 1960).

20. Italics added, then removed.

21. In August, 1949 The Progressive printed an article by David C. Williams, “Labor Under a Labor Regime,” an account of the British Labour Party in power. A biographical note described Williams as “London representative of Americans for Democratic Action,” adding that “his articles have appeared in The Nation, Labor and Nation and the New Leader.

22. SUNFED-Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development.

23. Who’s Who in America, 1964-65 (Chicago, A. N. Marquis), p. 1771.

24. Italics added, then removed.

25. Yearbook of the International Socialist Labour Movement, 1956-1957, p. 54. (See Bibliography).

26. “The Millikan-Rostow Report.” U. S. A. (September 28,1 956), Vol. III, No. 19.

27. Brock, op. cit., p. 102.

28. Ibid., p. 124.

29. These figures are based on average annual contributions of $21,000 from the ILGWU and $15,000 from the UAW over a period of 11 years. A list of contributions to ADA, in excess of $100, is filed annually with the Clerk of the House of Representatives under terms of the Corrupt Practices Act. It does not include donations to local and state branches of ADA or its affiliates. The same source also reveals that from 1951 to 1958 fourteen labor unions contributed a grand total of $350,546.40 to the national headquarters of ADA.

30. Brock, op. cit., p. 164.

31. Lester Velie, Labor U. S. A. (New York, Harper & Brothers, 1958-59), p. 237.

32. Socialist International Information (August 3, 1963), Vol. XIII, No. 31-32. The item states, “Among those present were: Eric Ollenhauer, Herbert Wehner, and Willi Brandt (the Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the German Social Democratic Party), Harold Wilson (Leader of the British Labour Party), Niels Mathiassen (Secretary of the Danish Social Democratic Party), Tryggve Bratteli (Vice-Chairman of the Norwegian Social Democratic Party), Tage Erlander (Prime Minister of Sweden and Chairman of the Swedish Social Democratic Party), the leaders of the Swedish, Norwegian and German Trades Union Congresses, Arne Geijer, Konrad Nordahl and Ludwig Rosenburg, Hubert Humphrey (American Senator) and Walter Reuther (Leader of the American Automobile Works Union).”

33. Brock, op. cit., p. 11-16.

34. Lobbying, Direct and Indirect. Hearings before the Select Committee on Lobbying Activities. House of Representatives, Second Session, 81st Congress (Washington, U. S. Government Printing Office, 1950), Part VI, p. 7.

35. Brock, op. cit., pp. 91-95.

36. Few Americans recall today that Clement R. Attlee was Churchill’s Deputy Prime Minister during World War II.

37. Washington, Post (August 30, 1952).

38. As of 1964, Wilson Wyatt was Lieutenant Governor of Kentucky, having previously failed to win the race for a seat in the U. S. Senate. He illustrates the tendency of ADA followers to settle for state or local offices, when blocked in their quest for national office.

39. These were the posts held by Schlesinger in 1950, according to former Attorney General Francis Biddle. Lobbying, Direct and Indirect, p. 30. (See Bibliography).

40. Brock, op. cit., p. 179.

41. On July 7, 1960 Joseph Rauh, Jr. apprised the full platform committee of ADA’s stand on “the single most important issue,” namely, “civil rights.” His statement read in part:

“We believe the Democratic Party must be unmistakably committed to a program of federal action which will result in the eradication of segregation and other forms of discrimination from all aspects of American life.

“Such a program would pledge that the next President, if he is a Democrat, will use the tremendous resources of his office to make desegregation a reality as quickly as possible. . . .

In particular, he urged the following measures:

1. Enact Title III to empower the Attorney General to file civil injunction suits in cases involving denial of civil rights.

2. Support the Supreme Court’s decree int he school desegregation cases and provide assistance for school districts prepared to desegregate.

3. Declare support for sit-in demonstrations.

4. Improve procedures in both Houses of Congress so that the will of the majority shall prevail and Congress will be a more responsive instrument of our national purposes.

5. Pledge vigorous enforcement of existing voting laws and enact additional legislation to protect the right to vote, including, if necessary, direct federal control and operation of registration and elections.

6. Promulgate an executive order forbidding segregation and other forms of discrimination based on race, religion or national origin in all federal or federally aided programs.

7. Enact a federal fair employment practices law to establish and enforce equal job opportunity in all employment in or affecting interstate commerce.

42. Lobbying, Direct and Indirect, Part VI, p. 7. (See Bibliography.)

43. Victor Lasky, JFK: The Man and The Myth (New York, The Macmillan Co., 1963), p. 163-165.

44. An inquiry conducted from 1962 to 1964 in one California school district showed similar pressures operating in high schools and even grade schools. Parents feared to protest, because those who did so found their children penalized with bad marks and loss of credits needed to graduate.

45. In 1950 former Attorney General Biddle had named the following Senators as members of ADA: Humphrey, Lehman, Graham, McMahon, Douglas, Murray and Neely, all Democrats. Lobbying Direct and Indirect, p. 30. (See Bibliography.) While the ADA Score Card shows a very much larger number of Senators and Congressmen now winning high marks by ADA standards, no official list of ADA members on Capitol Hill is available. Senator Joseph S. Clark of Pennsylvania, is a former State chairman of ADA and contributes to ADA World. Senators Pat McNamara and Philip Hart of Michigan regularly follow the ADA-UAW line.

46. Reports for 1957 listing “Contributions of $100 and over” and filed by ADA with the Clerk of the House of Representatives under the Corrupt Practices Act, show twelve labor unions contributing that year to ADA’s “Non-Political Account,” for a total of $47,677.

47. William E. Bohn, “Americans for Democratic Action Celebrates Its Tenth Birthday, The New Leader (April 15, 1957), p. 9.

48. Lobbying, Direct and Indirect, p. 15. (See Bibliography.)

49. Brock, op. cit., p. 22.

50. Title of a League for Industrial Democracy Round Table in which Congressman Jacob Javits participated in 1952 was: “Needed: A MORAL AWAKENING IN AMERICA.” Corruption in business and in politics was discussed; but corruption in labor unions was not mentioned. Others who took part in the program with Javits included: Walter Reuther, James B. Carey, John Haynes Holmes, Charles S. Zimmerman, Sidney Hook, Mark Starr, Helen Gahagan Douglas, Abraham Lefkowitz, Gus Tyler, Leland Olds, George Catlin, James Farmer, August Claessens, and Samuel H. Friedman, reading a statement from Norman Thomas, then in Japan. Nancy Adams, Chief Woman Officer of the British Trades Union Congress, expressed the appreciation of the British labor movement for Marshall Plan aid. Clarence Senior, alleged expert on Latin American affairs and long time member of the London Fabian Society, presided over the Round Table. Harry W. Laidler, Editor, Needed: A MORAL AWAKENING IN AMERICA. A Symposium (New York, League for Industrial Democracy Pamphlet, 1952). Samuel Friedman, National Vice Chairman and Executive member of the token Socialist Party, USA was listed in 1946 as one of our four delegates from the United States to the Council and Congress of the Socialist International in Brussels. Socialist International Information, Congress Issue (September 19, 1964), Vol. XIV, No. 20-21.

51. United Press International dispatch (December 29, 1963).

52. Mark Starr, “Garment Workers: ‘Welfare Unionism’,” Current History (July, 1954), (Reprint by ILGWU.).

53. Report of the General Executive Board to the 31st Convention. (New York, International Ladies Garment Workers Union, 1962), p. 96.

54. Ibid., pp. 17-18.

55. Ibid., p. 18.

56. Mitchell’s opponent in the primary was Robert Morris, former counsel for the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security. Observers reported that ILGWU workers and their associates, after assuring the defeat of Morris in the primary, failed to support Mitchell in the general election.

57. Lobbying, Direct and Indirect, p. 16. (See Bibliography.) Following is a fragment of pertinent testimony:

Mr. Brown: “Have you [ADA] become more active in the Republican Party recently, your organization?”

Mr. Biddle: “No–we have not, except–well in this sense. Our influence has been rather striking. I do not know if you have noted the organization of a similar movement in the Republican Party; I do not think they have a name for it–led by Russell Davenport.”

Mr. Brown: “You mean Republican Advance or something like that?

Mr. Biddle: “Something like that. I thought it might be called Republicans for Democratic Action, but that did not seem quite appropriate. . . .”

Chairman: “Did the national organization [ADA] actually take a position for Eisenhower for President?”

Mr. Loeb: “For Eisenhower or Justice [William O.] Douglas . . . The position taken at the Board meeting in Pittsburgh in April, 1948 was for Eisenhower or Douglas.”

58. David C. Williams, “Rockefeller in Washington,” The Progressive (February, 1959), pp. 11-13.

59. Cf. Nelson A. Rockefeller, The Future of Federalism (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1962).

60. Quoted in an advertisement for Rockefeller’s book, which appeared for nine successive months on the back page of Freedom & Union magazine, edited by Clarence K. Streit.

61. Williams op. cit., p. 11.

62. ADA World for May, 1955 announced a booklet, Partnership for Freedom, Proposals for World Economic Growth, published by the Union for Democratic Action Educational Fund. It was described as a 52 page booklet proposing a “new look” in American overseas aid. Sponsors of this booklet included: Eleanor Roosevelt, Reinhold Niebuhr, James G. Patton, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Thomas K. Finletter, Michael Straight, Robert R. Nathan, Stanley Andrews Benjamin V. Cohen, Elmer Davis, Quincy Howe, Isadore Lubin, Paul R. Porter, Victor G. Reuther, Willard L. Thorp.

63. Williams, op. cit., p. 12.

64. Ibid., p. 13.

Chapter 19 << | >> Chapter 21

Chapter 19-Power and Influence

Chapter 19 of the book Fabian Freeway.

Three times in the twentieth century, American Fabian Socialists on advice of their principals in London have formed a new leadership group to meet the challenge of a new era. In each case this occurred during a period of change and dislocation following a victorious war. Invariably, too, it was at a moment when agents of more direct revolutionary action had so outraged public opinion that the future of radicalism in America seemed threatened and a protective front of more or less untarnished respectability was needed.

Following the Spanish-American War and coincident with the 1905 revolution in Russia, the Intercollegiate Socialist Society was founded upon the remnants of still earlier Fabian bodies. It was reorganized after World War I in the wake of various ill-starred Bolshevik intrigues, and became the League for Industrial Democracy, which supplied personnel and plans for the New Deal. Each leadership group in its day sparked a flurry of satellite organizations, committees and publications, longer or shorter lived as events might dictate. Thus the continuity and expansion of international Fabian Socialism under new names and fresh faces was assured, with the old goal of worldwide social revolution unchanged but unavowed. Psychologically, the process was adapted to what modern market research describes as the American taste for novelty, whether in the field of ideas or consumers’ goods.

Not long after World War II another key organization appeared, known as Americans for Democratic Action. It emerged out of the vapors and confusion that afflicted Socialist groups in the immediate postwar period. Directly descended from older Fabian Socialist elite bodies, ADA was more narrowly political in character than the ISS or LID, without actually being a political party. Just as a parasite vine can climb faster and higher by entwining itself around some previously rooted object, ADA would attach itself to one or both of the traditional political parties in the United States—with a view to imposing its program and its preferred candidates for national, state and local offices.

Like the original London Fabian Society, ADA’s limited size, modest budget and announced object of social reform for the voting masses offered no clue to the scope of its ambitions or the revolutionary nature of its long-range goals. Unlike the London Society, however, whose constitution states flatly that “the Fabian Society consists of Socialists,” Americans for Democratic Action has for reasons best known to itself usually chosen to deny its lineage and to disclaim its Socialist purpose.

Few contemporary Americans knew or cared that on January 3, 1947, a collection of men and women met at the Willard Hotel in Washington, D.C., to set up what has properly been called a political action arm of the American Fabian Socialist movement. Though not a large crowd, its precise size is difficult even now to determine. Informed estimates vary from more than 400 to a founders’ list of 152 persons. (1) Nominally, they had responded to a “call” from the Union for Democratic Action to reorganize the “liberal” forces in the United States, at a time when the prestige of such forces was conceded to be at low ebb.

Since the day, almost two years before, when Franklin D. Roosevelt was laid to rest in the rose garden at Hyde Park, the political fortunes of the liberal Left had declined. Dazed New Deal Cabinet members and their aides relinquished their posts without a murmur. One by one, the wartime agencies with their wage-price-production controls, which left-wingers had hoped to retain as instruments of postwar policy, were folding. So-called liberals and progressives were being separated by the hundreds from the Federal payroll. Only the Department of State had succeeded in absorbing on a permanent basis any substantial number of the temporary wartime employees who could be relied upon to further assorted leftist aims.(2)

Access to the Presidential power, that made possible the attainment of so many Socialist schemes under Democratic Party auspices in the New Deal era, (3) was no longer a “liberal” perquisite. The new White House occupant, Harry S. Truman, was a product of Missouri’s Pendergast machine, which could claim closer ties with the underworld of organized crime than with the ideologists of organized labor’s Socialist wing. Henry Wallace—long the white hope of those Progressives who backed him instead of Truman for the Vice Presidential nomination in 1944–appeared to have thrown caution to the winds, aud was now reputed on good authority to be negotiating with U.S. Communist leaders to form a Third Party.(4)

The Cold War—a concept never fully accepted by Fabians—had replaced the starry-eyed wartime alliance with Soviet Russia and its agents in the United States. Slowly and painfully, the activities of Communists who had been employed indiscriminately since 1934 by Liberal-Democrat administrations in Washington were beginning to come to light. In June, 1945, the Federal Bureau of Investigation had arrested six persons associated with Amerasia, an obscure leftist periodical that maintained connecting offices in New York City with the then widely known and respected Institute of Pacific Relations. Incident to those arrests, the FBI recovered a staggering total of seventeen hundred top secret, secret and/or confidential documents relating to the Far East, all stolen from U.S. Government files.

In January, 1946, the defection of Igor Gouzenko, code clerk at the Soviet Embassy in Ottawa, led to the discovery of other widespread Communist espionage in Canada and the United States, aimed at undermining America’s postwar control of atomic weapons. Failure of the Truman Administration to prosecute the Amerasia case convincingly, (5) or to act energetically on information conveyed by Canadian authorities, furnished a natural campaign issue for the Republicans, who won control of the Congress in November, 1946, for the first time in years. Sadly the left wing Nation proclaimed in an election postmortem: “Let us not fool ourselves in this hour of appraisal. The progressive forces in America have been routed.”

For the Nation and its friends, however, there was still comfort in the fact that a Fabian-dominated Labour Party Government held power in postwar England. Pledged to liquidate the Empire overseas and the private enterprise system at home, rulers of that new Socialist stronghold were engaged in nationalizing Britain’s basic industries and regimenting her traditionally independent people along welfare state lines, on the strength of a spurious campaign promise to “abolish poverty.” “Now American progressives, temporarily out of power, have much to learn from Britain,” wrote David C. Williams in the Fabian Journal, monthly organ of the London Fabian Society. “As issues such as Palestine move toward solution, there will be growing attention to England’s domestic programme and an increasing tendency to put English experience to use in America.” (6)

For the time being, the Labour Party Government’s lavish deficits were being underwritten by the United States. A multibillion dollar “reconstruction” loan to Britain, negotiated by the late lamented John Maynard Keynes, had been approved by a Democratic Congress in the spring of 194ff; but more aid would unquestionably be needed to keep British Fabian Socialists in office for an indefinite term. To assure sympathetic cooperation at the highest official levels, it was essential for American Fabian Socialists, temporarily in eclipse, to improve their own situation at the earliest possible date.

This necessity was emphasized by a visit from the Honourable Patrick Gordon Walker, Labour M.P. and special emissary of the Fabian International Bureau. Soon after the November elections in America, he was dispatched on a lecture tour of the Eastern United States by David C. Williams, then directing the London Bureau of the Union for Democratic Action. Avowed reason for Gordon Walker’s trip was to rally America’s liberal Left in support of the Socialist Government in Britain. (7) His arrival in January, 1947, was timed to synchronize with a conference at the Willard Hotel called by the Union for Democratic Action.

That two-day conference in the nation’s capital marked the birth of Americans for Democratic Action (ADA). Sometimes described as a New-Deal-in-exile, ADA’s primary aim irrespective of high-sounding declarations was to recapture for its supporters the power and influence that individual Socialists (according to Dr. Harry Laidler) had enjoyed under the New Deal. In a keynote speech delivered at the opening session of the conference, Governor Chester Bowles of Connecticut (8) urged the delegates by implication to disassociate themselves from past united front activities and to “organize a progressive front divorced from Communist influence.” After scoring “illusions about a Third Party,” he denounced Republicans and conservative Democrats with impartial fervor. “But the fact remains,” he concluded, “that we have no practical alternative. All our efforts, all our ingenuity must be thrown into the struggle to establish liberal [sic] control of the Democratic Party.”(9)

Next day at a caucus composed of the more influential delegates, it was agreed that the Union for Democratic Action, boasting at most ten thousand members throughout the country, would merge with a new organization to be called Americans for Democratic Action. Among those taking part in the caucus were Eleanor Roosevelt, Presidential widow; David Dubinsky of the AFL and Walter Reuther of the CIO; Joseph Rauh, Jr., Washington attorney, subsequently known as “Mr. ADA”; Marquis Childs, newspaper columnist and author of Sweden: The Middle Way, an apologia for Scandinavian Socialism. Predetermined conclusions reached by this policy-making group were reported back to the conference on the very same day by Eleanor Roosevelt, who also stressed the view that the handiest vehicle for immediate advancement of the new organization’s program was the Democratic Party. (10) A carefully pruned statement of ADA principles was released to the press by Barry gingham, editor and publisher of the Louisville Courier-Journal.

To anyone schooled in the ways of American Fabian Socialism, operating behind a mask of liberal reformism and addicted to creating over the years new organizations with continuously interlocking memberships, the founders’ conference of ADA was merely a repetition of history. True, the Willard Hotel was a long way from the loft above Peck’s Restaurant, where founders of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society had met in response to a similar “call” more than forty years earlier. A larger number of the mid-century conferees could be classed as “opinion-formers,” having already achieved national prominence in their respective fields of politics, labor, education, religion and journalism; while others freely aspired to public office. Still there was an odor about the proceedings reminiscent of the old Fulton Street Fish Market district—although the sole surviving founder of the defunct Intercollegiate Socialist Society to attend was Dan Hoan, former Socialist Mayor of Milwaukee.

There was more visible evidence of kinship with the League for Industrial Democracy, successor to the ISS and still a going concern in its own right. In fact, the tie with LID was secured by a double knot. The Union for Democratic Action, which officially fathered ADA, had been launched on April 28, 1941, shortly after passage of the Lend-Lease Act and just before Hitler’s anticipated attack on Russia.l1 Formed to “help the Allies win the war,” it was summoned into being by a committee whose officers and members consisted almost to a man of seasoned LID “collaborators.” (12) A number of the selfsame individuals afterwards turned up as founders, officers and/or hard-core members of ADA. (13)

In his semi-official history of Americans for Democratic Action, an ADA Book Club selection in 1962, Professor Clifton Brock remarked by way of exculpation: “The UDA, ADA’s predecessor organization, was a splinter group spun off the Socialist Party. Very few UDA members remain in ADA today.” (14) The statement is both vague and misleading. In the first place, the announced aims of Union for Democratic Action and Americans for Democratic Action have never conflicted noticeably—as Brock’s use of the term “splinter group” would imply—with the aims of the little American Socialist Party or the larger Socialist International. Second, UDA disbanded when ADA was founded; but former UDA members joined the new organization en bloc, forming the nucleus of its day-to-day activities until age or political office made it preferable for them to retire to the sidelines. Moreover, ADA—in common with the London Fabian Society—has never laid undue stress on formal membership, once an identity of ideas and aims has been established.

At least three former UDA activists were to sene for years as rotating officials of ADA. These were: James Loeb, Jr., called the “organizing genius of UDA”; James Wechsler, editor-columnist of the New York Post, a confessed former Communist who embraced the Middle Way; and Joseph Rauh, Jr., termed the “lodestar” of ADA, who in his zeal for civil liberties has consistently served as counsel for individuals suspected of giving aid and comfort to Communists, from William Remington to Sidney Lens. (15)

These three—Loeb, Weschler and Rauh—are sometimes said to have been the “real founders” of ADA, which is not literally true. They could more accurately be described as expendables and frontrunners of Americans for Democratic Action—a semi-secret political society whose membership lists have never been made public and whose alleged sympathizers frequently seem as effective in its behalf as any dues-paying member. All three were present at the ADA’s founding conference. James Loeb, Jr. (16) was promptly named secretary-treasurer of a national organizing committee, jointly headed by Leon Henderson, former director of the Office of Price Administration, and Wilson Wyatt, former housing expediter, who became campaign manager for Adlai Stevenson in 1952.

The converging bloodlines of ADA were exemplified in the person of Dr. Reinhold Niebuhr, presiding at the Willard Hotel conference. He was not only national chairman of the Union for Democratic Action; but also former president of LID New York chapter and a seemingly permanent member of the LID national board of directors. Leading theologian of the liberal Left, (17) Dr. Niebuhr’s doctrines like his politics were “progressive.” Originally an advocate of the “Social Gospel,” he had progressed by 1934 to a doctrine which he styled “Christian Radicalism.”

At that point—as his young friend and co-founder of ADA, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. has noted—Niebuhr rejected the Sermon on the Mount for pragmatism, even declaring that the choice between violence and nonviolence in social change was purely a matter of expediency. (18) In his Reflections on the End of an Era, published in 1934, Niebuhr saw “the sickness of capitalism” as something organic, rooted in its very nature and “in the private ownership of the productive ,process.” He declared Marxism—which by definition is godless—to be an essentially correct theory and analysis of the economic realities of modern society” and predicted “the end of capitalism will be bloody rather than peaceful.” (19)

By 1944, when he delivered the West Foundation lectures at Stanford University, Dr. Niebuhr had progressed far enough to perceive the expediency of the Keynesian approach. Published the following years as The Children of Light and the Children of Dark ness ( a book Senator Robert Kennedy would take with him to the moon!), that lecture series was a plea for the “mixed economy’ and the “open society” according to the gospel of John Maynard Keynes.(20) In 1947, as a top figure in UDA, Niebuhr professed himself a “pragmatic liberal,” opposed to every dogma and dedicated to gradual, piecemeal social reform, very much as the early British Fabian Socialists had contrived to represent themselves to the public. That was the image, above all others, which ADA hoped to convey to the American people.

An outsider, witnessing those deliberations at the Willard Hotel that spawned the ADA, might easily have supposed he had wandered into some anniversary function of the League for Industrial Democracy. So many of the old familiar faces were there! The usual blue chip speakers and greeters at annual LID conferences and dinners— with the exception of such proclaimed Socialists as Norman Thomas or Harry Laidler—were in evidence on the platform and the floor.

Eleanor Roosevelt, who was to receive an LID award in 1953 as “First Woman of the World,” was free at last to proclaim her organizational ties with the liberal Left. She was accompanied by her son, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., who as a Congressman would roll up a 100 per cent voting score in favor of ADA-approved bills, and who was to become Under Secretary of Commerce in the Kennedy-Johnson Administration. In Eleanor Roosevelt’s entourage were her ever-controversial proteges, Joseph P. Lash and Aubrey Williams. Lash has been listed as an early LID collaborator. Williams, an editor of the Southern Farmer and deeply involved in the budding “civil rights” movement, was to serve on the national committee of the American Civil Liberties Union, (21) a League for Industrial Democracy affiliate.

Such veteran LID “collaborators” as Senators Herbert Lehman, Richard Neuberger and Frank Graham, sometime president of the University of North Carolina, were prominently on hand, along with senators-to-be Hubert Humphrey and Paul Douglas. Also present was Congressman Andrew Biemiller, another old regular of the League, later to serve as a congressional lobbyist for the united AFL-CIO. David Dubinsky of the ILGWU, Walter Reuther of the United Auto Workers, James Carey of the Union of Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers and other left wing union chieftains cited as stable collaborators of LID, attended in person, flanked by their lawyers and lieutenants. Directly or indirectly, they offered the electoral and financial backing of Socialist-led unions grown to giant size in World War II. (22)

Editors and journalists long true to LID hastened to place their skills at the disposal of ADA. They included Robert Bendiner of The Nation; William Bohn, an old Socialist warrior of the “80 per cent Socialist” New Leader; Monroe Sweetland of the Molalla, Oregon Pioneer, afterwards on the campaign staff of Presidential candidate John F. Kennedy; and, of course, James Wechsler of the New York Post. Other old LID-ers were columnist Edgar Ansell Mowrer and long time Soviet apologist Louis Fischer. Ironically enough, two newcomers better known for their social graces than Socialist leanings, the brothers Joseph and Stewart Alsop, headed the alphabetical list of ADA charter members.

At its inception, Americans for Democratic Action appeared to be little more than a body of self-anointed political leaders in search of a following, and a program in search of a party. Convinced that no third party could win practical power in the United States, ADA’s initial task was to detach misguided progressives from the third party movement then being organized by Henry Wallace with the backing of American Communists. For the moment, what Professor Brock cynically calls “the utility of enemies on the Left” was doubly clear to ADA. By disassociating itself openly from domestic Communist Party leaders servile to Moscow (and subject, in any case, to being removed without notice), ADA insured its own respectability, as well as its ability to shield the more vulnerable elements of the Left in time of peril.

Apparently, ADA was the American version of that mysterious Third Force, often referred to by postwar European Socialists. The term was first used in Austrian Social Democratic newspapers, and given currency in the late nineteen-forties by the French Socialist leader, Leon Blum, to denote the end of the Popular Front. Deprecating Communist Party tactics on the one hand, and decrying conservatives as reactionary-fascist on the other, ADA sought to impose its own formula for achieving social change, via a series of New Deal-type “reforms,” as the only reasonable alternative.

Toward the Soviet Union proper, ADA’s attitude was marked by the same patience and helpfulness (though, naturally, “a little bit criticizing”) (23) which always distinguished the London Fabian Society. Indeed, the original ADA program asserted: “We firmly believe in breaking out of the vicious circle of mutual distrust between ourselves and Russia. We favor a policy based on an understanding of the legitimate [sic] aspirations of the Soviet Union.”

The function of this reborn organization was not solely to regain power and influence for its members and sympathizers, nor simply to repeat the experience of the New Deal. It was also to develop and speed new applications of the Keynesian method for a peaceful transition to Socialism, in terms of the postwar era. Momentarily, economists of the Keynesian school (represented at the ADA founders’ meeting by Dr. Boris Shishkin of the ILGWU and LID, and Dr. J. Kenneth Galbraith of Fortune Magazine and Harvard University) were somewhat embarrassed. The big American depression they predicted so confidently would follow World War II had somehow failed to materialize. How could all-out deficit spending be justified, in a robust and expanding economy?

As things turned out, there was little need for philosophic justification. Even so frivolous a bit of Keynesian propaganda as Galbraith’s book, The Affluent Society, proved largely superfluous, except as a morale builder for Keynesian professors. The utility of government spending as a lever for winning elections was already apparent to practical Democratic leaders and to legislators-of both national parties—the more so, when pointed up by ADA-stimulated pressures from trade unions, minority groups and liberal intellectuals. One project after another for permanent Federal spending programs in the fields of housing, health, nutrition, education and general “welfare” would be concocted by ADA or its allies, and presented by its chosen legislators. Defeated in one session of Congress, such bills would be revived with variations in the next.

Increased government authority over bank credit and bank reserves would be urged. “Goals” in housing, health, education and related fields were to be set by administrative planners. “Full employment,” keystone of the whole Keynesian economic structure, must be accepted as a responsibility of the Federal Government, with planning, supervision and controls over private employment implied but not stated. Government financing, and if necessary, government plants must be used to “provide more power, more steel and other vitally necessary raw materials.” Finally, would arise, during an election year, the Area Redevelopment Administration Program. All these steps would be proposed successively in ADA platforms, and urged again and again on the Congress and the Executive, until accepted in whole or in part. Each would lead the country another step closer to total welfare state control, and expand the “public sector” of the economy as opposed to the “private sector.”

Something new, however, was to be added in the new era: namely, uninhibited government spending in the international field. Means would be devised to transform the Marshall Plan—supposedly designed for temporary postwar reconstruction and eagerly supported by ADA—into a permanent, large-scale program of foreign assistance, direct and indirect. Even military spending at home and abroad would not be discouraged, providing the ultimate decisions were dictated by ADA-approved State Department officials. Until such time as international control of atomic energy (advocated in the original 1947 ADA program, and never abandoned) had been achieved, the threat of nuclear destruction could always be raised to generate that atmosphere of perpetual crisis needed to justify Keynesian spending policies. Membership cards of ADA announced its devotion to “freedom and security for all people everywhere”(24)–presumably at the expense of the United States.

It is hard to believe a handful of people, meeting privately at the Willard Hotel in 1947, could have contrived to spark so many of the measures which in less than twenty years have propelled the United States so far and so fast along the freeway to International Socialism. In fact, it might seem incredible, except for the undisguised evidence of what an even smaller group of Fabian Socialists—through penetration and permeation, through research, propaganda and persistence— has done to make a shambles of the former British Empire.


Possibly because he was in England when the reorganization (25) took place, a key instigator and ever-faithful servant of Americans for Democratic Action was not included on its founders’ list. He was David C. Williams, wartime representative in London of American trade unions and director of the London Bureau of the Union for Democratic Action Educational Fund. Concerning him, an editorial note in the Fabian Journal for March, 1947, (p. 7) stated authoritatively: “David C. Williams . . . is a member of the Fabian Society and of the St. Marylebone Local Fabian Society.”

Recalling that normal procedure in the Fabian Society has always been “join for one year, join for fifty,” there is no reason to suppose the foregoing statement is outdated—although the formalities of membership are not infrequently waived for individuals engaged in delicate overseas missions. David C. Williams, in particular, has been notable for his unswerving devotion to the cause of Fabian Socialism, by whatever name it might be called.

As ADA’s Director of Research and Education (26) and as long time editor of the ADA World, he has had a major responsibility for transmitting and expounding the Fabian policy-line on selected issues to ADA supporters. For almost twenty years, indifferent to wealth or worldly success, this quiet American has served as an efficient, durable and self-effacing link between Americans for Democratic Action and its Socialist blood brothers in Britain.

Williams was an Ohioan by birth and a citizen of the world by choice. Son and namesake of a Unitarian clergyman who once headed the Intercollegiate Socialist Society’s student chapter at Marietta College, (27) he qualifies as a second generation Fabian Socialist. Perhaps the most decisive fact in his life was that he went as an American Rhodes Scholar to Oxford, graduating in 1935. There he encountered a left wing political group operating on a scale then undreamed-of in the United States. For the first time, he saw labor politics practiced in public style by a student elite and was exposed to adult masterminds of a movement that was destined to provide him with a career.

It was a decade when Fabian influence, frustrated at the government level in Great Britain, rose to commanding heights in the universities. At Oxford G. D. H. Cole was “the great gazebo,” while at Cambridge John Maynard Keynes personally taught his exciting new theory. The Left Wing political tradition, however, was more pronounced and more continuous at Oxford. (28) Many an American student less predisposed than Williams found the allure of Fabian tutors and companions overwhelming, and never recovered from that early infatuation.

University Fabian Societies transformed into Labour Clubs (29) flourished almost beyond belief. The Oxford Labour Club in the thirties, for instance, boasted a thousand members and functioned virtually as a separate college within the university. It organized its own classes and lecture courses under its own touted professors and tutors, among them confirmed Fabian Socialists like G. D. H. Cole, A. D. Lindsay, Sir Arthur Salter and R. H. S. Crossman. (30) When the club held public meetings on questions of the day, it drew student audiences of two or three thousand. The speakers were such well-publicized personalities as Professor Harold Laski, John Strachey, Harold Nicolson, Herbert Morrison, Sir Stafford Cripps, all ranking members of the London Fabian Society. (31) Even the American Negro baritone, Paul Robeson, then attracting overflow audiences in London, gave a free concert at Oxford for the Labour Club.

Political theory was enlivened by some practical experience in politics, which involved organizing workers in nearby factory towns, sending delegations to Parliament and picketing the Ministries. Besides serving as a seed bed for future Fabian statesmen and civil servants, the Labour Club was also an agitational branch of the British Labour Party. Oxford students, transported to London by the busload, lent color and verve to mass demonstrations against the Government—a pattern now being commonly repeated in other countries around the world, sometimes with Communist assistance. More than one American joined the fun, although for visitors participation in British politics was strictly illegal. In 1938, Howard K. Smith—afterwards a foreign correspondent and television news analyst—became the first American Rhodes Scholar to head the Oxford Labour Club. (32)

British club members automatically held membership in the British Labour Party. Regardless of nationality, young Fabians of the inner circle that steered the Labour Club were elected as undergraduates into the parent London Fabian Society, according to a practice established since the turn of the century.(33) With reference to Americans, the process appears to have moved into high gear during the nineteen-thirties—the decade of the Great- Depression, the Spanish Civil War and the coming to power of Adolf Hitler. Not only the potential rulers of England, (34) but potential rulers of the United States as well, were to be groomed under Fabian supervision.

This was no mild academic joke; but a serious, long-range intention, pursued with patience and finesse, and backed by all the well-placed contacts at home and abroad that the Fabian Society could assemble. Young hopefuls tapped hr future prominence usually rose with astonishing celerity in their chosen careers. They were the predestined recipients of fellowships, research grants, literary prizes and other awards, as well as choice posts in government and the professions. Since the Association of Rhodes Scholars made corresponding efforts on behalf of its members, in the long run the results were doubly gratifying.

Thus one finds Rhodes Scholars of the nineteen-thirties serving in the nineteen-sixties as senior officials or consultants in a number of Federal departments in Washington. Some have been in government service for years; others are retreads and/or recent appointees. A few are in position to wield great influence, and through their access to the White House itself, to be instrumental in promoting policies advocated by British Fabians—notably in the fields of international, military, disarmament and monetary policy.

Meanwhile, Britons who were once their contemporaries in the Oxford Labour Club have risen to leadership in the Labour Party, and speak with authority in the councils of the Socialist International. A conspicuous example is Harold Wilson, Parliamentary Leader of the British Labour Party and Vice Chairman of the Socialist International, who was a student and Fellow at Oxford in the nineteen-thirties. In a memorial to the late President John F. Kennedy—”one of the numerous tributes paid to . . . [him] by Socialists throughout the world” (35)–Wilson said: “I know a good number of his associates; some of them I have known for many years.”(36)

At least one effect of such long-standing camaraderie must be noted, which vitally affects the security and defense capabilities of the United States. On July 24, 1963, Harold Wilson attended a meeting of the Bureau of the Socialist International at Congress House in London. There a resolution was adopted concerning the Moscow Three-Power Conference on nuclear tests, which declared in part:

“The Bureau of the Socialist International welcomes the prospect of an agreement ending nuclear tests in the atmosphere, in space and under water …. The Bureau hopes that this limited agreement will pave the way to an agreement covering all nuclear tests. The Bureau pays tribute to the efforts of Mr. Harold Wilson who during his recent conversations with Mr. Krushchev suggested this limited agreement as the most fruitful means to achieve early progress.”(37)

Soon afterwards—despite a sober warning from General Curtis LeMay, then U.S. Air Force Chief of Staff—the United States Congress was persuaded to ratify the test ban agreement suggested to Khrushchev by that noted nonmilitary expert, Harold Wilson, and endorsed by the Socialist International. At a time when civilian planners in the Pentagon looked primarily to atomic missiles for the future defense of America, the pact prevented the United States from testing the efficiency of nuclear warheads on missiles still unproved! Some leading proponents of the test ban in administration circles were Secretary of State Dean Rusk (Oxford, 1934) and Walt Whitman Rostow (Oxford, 1937-38). Thus the old school tie, in shades of pink to red, spans the Atlantic.

How many American Rhodes Scholars have been enrolled in the London Fabian Society over the years, it would be difficult to say. No statistics on the subject have been released. The identity of such recruits has been closely guarded, apparently to avoid embarrassing those who hold or hope to hold positions of influence in their native land. Moreover, this particular type of recruitment might be construed by jurists as violating the intent of the Rhodes Trust, which, however singular, was anything but Socialist.

Cecil Rhodes, under whose last will the Trust was created, (38) had been an impassioned English patriot and the most rugged of individualists. He looked forward secretly to a time when the United States would rejoin Great Britain, in a world federation of states steered from London. Superficially, his plans for international government, and for giving “young colonists” a political bias along with an Oxford education, might be said to resemble the Fabian Society’s. Fundamentally, however, his purpose was diametrically opposed to that of Sidney Webb’s select company.

Above all, Lord Rhodes was dedicated to the perpetuation and extension along classic capitalist lines of the British Empire, which Fabians schemed to dissolve. Obviously, he never intended that his fortune amassed in the gold fields and diamond mines of South Africa be used to train young Americans in Fabian Socialism; or to promote peaceful social revolution, under a cloak of learning and Old World culture, in a lost colony of the British Empire.

Of two thousand or more American Rhodes Scholars invited to Oxford since the Trust was formed, by no means did all succumb to the power of Fabian suggestion. There were men among them immune to Socialist blandishments, several of whom have found their careers in government abruptly terminated. Such patriotic and ill-rewarded Americans include Bryton Barron, former head of the State Department’s Treaty Section, and Elvis J. Stahr, Jr., Secretary of the Army during the Kennedy-Johnson Administration, who resigned in protest against the “muzzling of the military.”

There was also Stanley K. Hornbeck, Chief of the State Department’s division for Far Eastern Affairs in the nineteen-thirties and political adviser on the Far East, who was dragooned, apparently in all innocence, into serving as a character witness for Alger Hiss.(39) Hornbeck was one of those who attempted without success to stem a tide in the conduct of United States foreign affairs, which in the middle forties delivered mainland China to Communist rule. As late as 1950, he made a valiant though futile effort to warn his successor, Assistant Secretary of State Dean Rusk, against chat perilous policy which covertly protected and preserved the Chinese Communists.(40)

Presidential appointments of 1961-64, however, gave extraordinary prominence to American Oxonians of the same vintage as David C. Williams and Howard K. Smith, apparently holding mutually congenial views.(41) Among them were a Secretary of State; a Supreme Court Justice; several Under Secretaries, Assistant Secretaries and senior planners in areas directly concerned with formulating diplomatic, monetary, defense and disarmament policy for the United States. Even the Director of the Budget, Dr. Kermit Gordon—who states that “growth” is the answer to deficits(42)–was one of them.

Based on an analysis of their writings, speeches and official acts, the collective opinions of those officials on basic issues can be rather simply tabulated:

Economics: post-Keynesian, that is, the greater the deficit, the greater the national growth; developed nations must expend their substance for the benefit of under-developed nations, on a government to government basis.

Welfare State: responsibility of the Federal Government to provide financial aid from tax monies to an ever-growing number of private citizens and institutions; pilot programs in medicare, public housing, rent subsidies, urban renewal, job training, aid to education, research and depressed areas, to be expanded year by year; more centralized control, as a result of Federal aid to states and municipalities; social security system to be used as a basis for collecting computerized Federal dossiers on the entire population.

Foreign Affairs: relaxation at any price of “tensions” with the Soviet Union; eventual admission of Red China and East Germany to the United Nations; economic aid “without strings” to satellite and neutralist nations, and subsidized “trade” with Soviet Russia.

Defense: long-range planning by civilian officials, in collaboration with the State Department; disregard of professional military advice, and downgrading of nonpolitical officers; elimination of “first strike” weapons, as designated by the Soviet Union; gradual obsolescence of the Strategic Air Force and various strategic weapons, through cessation of production and new development.

Disarmament: gradual, to reassure the American public; progressive, to reassure the Soviet Union; ultimately total, to assure “peace under World Law” and a World Police Force.

World Government: to be achieved as rapidly as possible through the United Nations, via ”modernization” of the United States Constitution.

Implicit in all this but not openly stated, is the socialization of the United States through new forms of ownership and control of production, which must precede the application of any overall world plan.

Nearly all in the group are college professors who have served intermittently in government since World War II. In the years between, more than one has enjoyed the bounty of the great tax free research and educational foundations, where policy for government agencies and private institutions is often framed at the research stage. They include a former president of the Rockefeller Foundation; a former director of the Ford Foundation’s economic and administrative program; and a former large-scale beneficiary of the Carnegie Foundation, Dr. Walt Whitman Rostow. All appear to have been well-schooled in post-Keynesian economics and a world outlook that tends to subordinate traditional interests of the United States to other considerations.

If, as the record would indicate, they have been affected since their student days at Oxford by Fabian Socialist ideas, they might be expected to render signal service to Americans for Democratic Action, whose international program closely parallels that of the Fabian Society. A sheltered and protected group of non-expendables, those old Oxonians in the New Frontier seemed to have had little or no official contact with ADA—a possible exception being Assistant Secretary of State Harlan Cleveland, former publisher of The Reporter. (43) Like Harold Wilson, however, they can claim to have “known a good number” of its more eminent members and associates for years.(44) Several staunch supporters and/or founding members of ADA— Chester Bowles, G. Mennen Williams, J. Kenneth Galbraith, and W. Averell Harriman—have served with the group, sometimes in equally high government posts; but have apparently been expected to follow, not formulate official policy.

First and foremost in that Oxford group was Dr. Dean Rusk, named Secretary of State in the Kennedy-Johnson Administration. Placid, plump and singularly gifted at avoiding the public eye or the appearance of being personally responsible for controversial decisions, his record merits examination. During the middle nineteen-forties, he succeeded to the same Political Affairs and Postwar Planning posts in the State Department previously held by Alger Hiss—according to that peculiar sequence whereby a respectable crypto-Socialist often replaces an exposed Communist in administrative Washington. (45) Rusk was a member of the American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations, to which some highly reputable individuals and business firms with interests in the Far East innocently subscribed. Institute publications and propaganda are credited with having fostered those official United States policies which favored the Chinese Communists, deplored by Stanley Hornbeck and other concerned Americans.

Subsequently, the Institute of Pacific Relations was discovered by U.S. Government investigators to have been infiltrated by agents of Red Army Intelligence.(46) Yet Dean Rusk, a State Department official, still recommended Institute publications for use by the Chief of U.S. Military Intelligence. (47) Even in 1950, five years after the Amerasia case, he strongly supported the Institute’s request for Ford and Rockefeller Foundation grants.(48)

That year, as Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, Rusk delivered a memorable speech comparing the Chinese Reds to the American patriots of 1776. It was viewed in diplomatic circles as a prelude to recognition of Red China, contemplated by the State Department in 1950. Such action had already been taken by the Fabian-controlled British Labour Party Government of 1945-51, and was being urged in this country by ADA. The move was disrupted by the Communist invasion of South Korea, which the State Department accidentally invited through a widely circulated memorandum (evidently prepared in Dean Rusk’s division) declaring Korea to be “outside the defense perimeter of the United States.”

Dean Rusk demonstrated the same lenient attitude towards Communist troublemakers so characteristic of Fabian Socialists, as well as the classic Socialist function of opening the door to Communist conquest. During the Korean War he was instrumental in launching the fatal “No Win” policy, which persists to the present day. As President Harry S. Truman revealed in his Memoirs, it was Dean Rusk who took the first visible step towards establishing the principle of the “privileged sanctuary” in Manchuria, by agreement with Fabian Socialists then in control of the British Government at all levels.(49)

In a posthumously published interview with Bob Considine of the Hearst Newspapers,(50) General Douglas MacArthur stated he submitted a plan for victory that would have ended the Korean War in less than two weeks and eliminated Red China as a present or future military threat. Author of twenty victorious campaigns and conceded by experts to be one of the ablest military strategists of the century, General MacArthur was prevented by Fabian Socialist influence in our own State Department from putting his master plan into effect.

The reason alleged for the prohibition was that a clear-cut victory for American forces in the Far East might have touched off World War III. Owing to Soviet Russia’s very limited nuclear and logistic capabilities at that date, “fears” of a world holocaust conjured up by the State Department are now recognized to have been unfounded—as they have been on every subsequent occasion, thanks to the vastly superior power of American deterrents. This was no less true in the more recent Cuban crisis than it was during the Korean War: the function of deterrents being, after all, to deter! As lately as April, 1964, General Thomas S. Power flatly declared that as long as the Strategic Air Force is maintained at peak efficiency and the Russians know it, “there is no danger of a nuclear war.”(51)

The truth was that in 1950 Socialists everywhere—in America, in England and in the United Nations—displayed a quiet determination to protect and preserve Red China, whatever the cost in American or British casualties—just as Socialists of an earlier generation had moved in 1920 to preserve Soviet Russia. For the prolonged bloodletting in Korea and the final humiliating stalemate that so greatly damaged the American position in the Far East, Dean Rusk shared the responsibility to a degree not generally realized.

It hardly mattered that in 1952, when the damage had been done, Rusk delivered a verbal attack on the Red Chinese Government and spoke respectfully of Chiang Kai-shek; nor that he was chided for doing so by the British Fabian Socialist, Michael Lindsay, in a letter to the New Statesman.(52) This type of interplay only served to provide protective coloring for Dr. Rusk and to insure his availability for future service at a still higher official level.

As Secretary of State in the Kennedy-Johnson Administration, Dr. Rusk revived and enforced the principle of the privileged sanctuary in Southeast Asia. True, he talked bravely of victory in Vietnam. Yet at a cost of some 5 million dollars per day in United States economic and military aid, the jungle war in Vietnam was allowed to continue year after year under restrictions that made victory impossible. Once again the pretext was raised by the State Department (and echoed in the syndicated columns of such court favorites as Walter Lippmann, Marquis Childs, and Joseph Alsop) that the type of military action required to win in Southeast Asia would involve us in war with Red China—a war which that stricken country was neither economically nor militarily prepared to wager The fact is, that with Fabian-schooled officials and advisers dictating our foreign and military policies, the United States has not been and never will be permitted to win a clear-cut military or diplomatic victory over Socialist/Communist forces.

As in Chungking long before, demands were made for instant social and political “reforms” in war torn Vietnam. Once again pressures were applied by the State Department, and seconded by docile aides in the Pentagon. Inevitably they led to the overthrow and death of President Ngo Dinh Diem, who—whatever his alleged shortcomings from the viewpoint of Western Democracy—gave every appearance of being a sincere patriot and devout anti-Communist. It was not the first time that assassination had been condoned by Rusk’s State Department. With the same alacrity that they moved to recognize the killers of Diem, Dean Rusk and his subordinates hastened to extend diplomatic recognition to the transient administration of President Juan Bosch in the Dominican Republic, following the murder of General Rafael Trujillo. Eighteen million dollars in United States economic aid were rushed at record speed to Juan Bosch, whose accession was hailed in a congratulatory message from the Socialist International.(53)

Perhaps Rusk’s smoothest service to the cause of Fabian Socialism was his participation in the Skybolt incident of 1963. Out of a clear blue sky his junior partner, Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, canceled production of the Skybolt missile, leaving the British Royal Air Force without a promised nuclear deterrent. This action was taken contrary to the advice of professional United States military experts. Unceremoniously announced to former Prime Minister Harold Macmillan at Bermuda, it was described at the time as the harshest blow inflicted in years on Britain’s ruling Conservative Party. Similar action had previously provoked the fall of a Canadian Government, and the return to power of a Left liberal Premier known for his sympathy toward Socialist programs.

Some theorized that a more indirect result of l’affaire Skybolt was to convince General Charles de Gaulle of France that American pledges of atomic aid were unreliable and that he might just as well go it alone. Others theorize that de Gaulle has had a more sinister purpose all along. The impression that United States nuclear assistance was a Sword of Damocles, rigged for its effect on internal politics in allied nations, did not improve the position of the United States in world diplomacy—a consideration of little moment to British Fabian Socialists, who were not concerned to preserve global confidence in the United States. Immediately after the Skybolt Conference so shocking to Prime Minister Macmillan, Opposition Leader Harold Wilson paid an unofficial but quietly triumphant visit to Washington, where he was greeted by men he had “known for years” as the presumptive Prime Minister of Britain.

While it was apparently Rusk’s function to execute Fabian Socialist International policy at the uppermost level, the chief advance agent of such policy seemed for some years past to have been Dr. Walt Whitman Rostow. The so-called Millikan-Rostow Report was the fruit of a study conducted under his supervision at Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Center for International Studies. Published in 1957 as A Proposal: Key to An Effective Foreign Policy, (54) it foreshadowed what actually became United States foreign policy in the Kennedy-Johnson Administration. In The Stages of Economic Growth (55) which appeared in 1960, Rostow sketched the first dim outlines of a worldwide New Deal to be supported by the United States along Keynesian lines.

Appointed deputy adviser to President Kennedy on national security matters, Rostow had a major voice in the preparation of a secret 286 page report on Basic National Security. Following a Moscow meeting in 1960 with Deputy Foreign Minister Kuznetsov, Rostow advised that the United States should abandon offensive or “first-strike” weapons, distasteful to the Soviet Union.(56) Notably, the B-70 bomber—deemed essential by the Strategic Air Command for our future safety, but canceled by the Kenned-Johnson Administration. By the same token, the Navy was denied permission to construct a nuclear-powered aircraft carrier and was restricted to building an obsolescent type vessel.

Moving to the State Department, as counselor and as chairman of its Policy Planning Council, Dr. Rostow continued to predict the shape of things to come. Reading his articles that appeared with remarkable frequency in the weekly Department of State Bulletin, the more perceptive division chiefs and foreign service officers could divine the attitudes they were expected to assume. In the February 17, 1964 issue, for example, Rostow launched a brand new slogan obviously designed to serve as a guideline for foreign policy: Freedom and Diversity! It was particularized in the March 16th issue of the same publication by Secretary Rusk, himself, in an article entitled “Why We Treat Different Communist Countries Differently.”(57)

In an address to a group of business executives reprinted in the Department Bulletin of February 3, 1964, Rostow explained that the species of world-wide New Deal envisioned for underdeveloped countries will not wholly eliminate private business. While United States aid to those nations may give their governments control over the more basic forms of capital outlay, he pointed out kindly that such developments will create new mass markets for consumers’ goods and simple agricultural tools, from which private manufacturers can benefit—at least for a while.

Prudently, Dr. Rostow refrained in that official publication from announcing the ultimate goal which he had already defined in other published works. Incredible as it might seem to most Americans, he actually looked forward to a day when the United States as a sovereign nation would cease to exist. If the question is raised as to where or how he might have acquired such ideas, it must be remembered that he, too, was a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford during the crucial nineteen-thirties.

In a somewhat unexpected fashion Walt Whitman Rostow fulfilled the desire expressed in Lord Rhodes’ last will, to create in American students “an attachment to the country from which they sprang.” Rostow’s parents, as it happened, came from Russia. The fact that they named his elder brother, Eugene Victor Rostow, after the American Socialist Party leader, Eugene Victor Debs, leaves little doubt as to their political inclinations. Walt Whitman Rostow attended ancient Balliol, and can claim the distinction once ascribed to Lord Curzon:

“. . . Of course, I went to Balliol College

And what I know not, is not knowledge.”

Balliol was likewise the college of G. D. H. Cole, a mere tutor in Economics but an important wheel in the New Fabian Research apparatus, already recognized as performing the Society’s most important function. Always eager to bring “new blood” into the movement, Cole and his wife invited students of radical tendencies to their Holywell home for weekly rounds of Socialist discussion.(58) A number of British Fabians, who became prominent in public life during the forties and after, were regular guests throughout their student years at the Coles’ Monday evenings; as were some Americans who discarded the Socialist label under advisement.

Inevitably, Soviet Russia was a recurrent topic of discussion. Though admittedly not quite perfect, the Socialist Fatherland was regarded with affection and hope. Some collegians (like Howard K. Smith) even spent vacations in Moscow. No matter what the provocation, somehow those Fabian acolytes never lost hope of inducing Soviet leaders to alter their ways. The same schoolboy conviction, that Soviet Russia can eventually be persuaded to change its internal power structure and abandon its aim of world domination, suffuses the statements and positions of Walt Whitman Rostow; and in part through him, was incorporated into the foreign policy of the United States.

Rostow returned to England during World War II as a youthful Army Major attached to the U.S. Office of Strategic Services. In London he worked closely with various exiled Socialist leaders from Nazi-occupied countries, who had gathered under the sheltering wing of the Fabian International Bureau—and who hoped to assume power in their native lands at war’s end. For his mysterious services, Major Rostow was awarded the Military Order of the British Empire, presumably through the good offices of Fabian Socialists in the Cabinet. Though just eight years out of college, he was invited in 1946-47 to lecture as Harmsworth Professor of American History at Oxford. In 1949-50 he was called to Cambridge University as Pitt Professor of American History.

During the two years that intervened between his teaching sessions at Oxford and Cambridge, Walt Whitman Rostow worked in Geneva as assistant to Dr. Gunnar Myrdal, then executive secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe. Myrdal was a Socialist and former Minister of Commerce in Sweden, who all but succeeded in wrecking his country’s postwar economy. As wartime economic adviser to the Swedish Embassy in Washington, he had fallen under the spell of those American Keynesians who were certain the United States would suffer an even more severe depression after the Second World War than after the first.

Believing Sweden must hedge against the predicted world slump, Dr. Myrdal and his associates applied a number of inflationary Keynesian measures. These included cheap money and expansion of credit at home and raising the value of the krone abroad. Looking to Communist Russia for new trade opportunities, Myrdal personally engineered a billion krona (280 million dollar) trade agreement with the Soviet Union. The Swedish Government agreed to underwrite five-year credits in that amount to the Russians, who could buy directly from the manufacturers—an arrangement in some respects similar to the 19B4 Soviet wheat deal with the United States.(59)

Although Sweden emerged from World War II in a very prosperous condition, the remedies prescribed by Dr. Myrdal had reduced the country, by 1948, to appealing for Marshall Plan aid. Meanwhile, Myrdal himself retired in style to Geneva, where he proceeded undisturbed to recommend economic policy for all of Europe. Fortunately, perhaps, his advice was not taken too seriously.

The reverence which Dr. Myrdal still inspires among Left liberals in the United States and England derives from a monumental fifteen hundred page work published in 1944, An American Dilemma. Despite his unconcealed Socialist affiliations, he was chosen by the tax free Carnegie Foundation to direct a $250,000 study of race relations in the southern United States. Since Sweden had never known a Negro problem, it was presumed Dr. Myrdal would be “unprejudiced.” In his report, however, he acknowledged a debt to W. E. B. Dubois, a founder of the NAACP and an early promoter of Pan-Africanism.(60) Myrdal’s repeated emphasis on the alleged tendencies to violence and disrespect for law, which he found innate in the American character, appears to have inspired, in some measure, the forms of later “civil rights” agitation in the United States.

By 1947, this massive and costly volume was already in its ninth edition. Used by NAACP lawyers, it furnished the so-called sociological background for the United States Supreme Court’s school integration decision of 1954. Incidentally, it also contained some highly disparaging remarks about the United States Constitution. Referring to the “nearly fetichistic cult of the Constitution,” Dr. Myrdal asserted that “the 150-year old Constitution is in many respects impractical and ill-suited for modern conditions …. Modern historical studies reveal that the Constitutional Convention was nearly a plot against the common people. Until recently the Constitution has been used to block the popular will.”(61)

This was the man with whom Walt Whitman Rostow worked harmoniously for two years at Geneva—so much so, that on returning to England in 1949, he left his brother, Eugene Victor Rostow, to act as Myrdal’s assistant. Eugene Victor Rostow, who later became Dean of the Yale University Law School, was reported in mid-1964 to be under consideration for an opening on the Circuit Court of Appeals in Connecticut as a preliminary to his eventual appointment to the United States Supreme Court.

Former students, who attended Dr. Walt Whitman Rostow’s lectures in England and/or later in the United States, claim that his approach to American history is strictly geopolitical. Father of the alleged science of geopolitics was the British geographer, Sir Halford Mackinder, friend of early British Fabians at the University of London. Mackinder developed the theory of a pivot or “Heartland” area deep in Eurasia, and assigned a lesser role to all lands outside it. Since it stresses the relationship between physical geography and national behavior, geopolitics has aroused some interest among military strategists, armchair and otherwise.(62) Based on a materialistic view of history, it has stirred the enthusiasm of both Socialist and national Socialist planners—and was utilized by military intelligence experts of the Black Reichswehr, notably Major General Ernst Haushofer, in drafting Adolf Hitler’s blueprint for world conquest.

Adopting geopolitical jargon, Walt Whitman Rostow described America as a mere continental island off the greater landmass of Eurasia, comprising Europe, Asia and Africa. He explained the growth of the United States to greatness as being due to no inherent virtue in its own economic and constitutional system; but solely to divisions among Eurasian power blocs, which permitted such a circumstance to occur. By converse reasoning, a future union of Eurasian power blocs could either succeed in conquering the United States outright, or in forcing America’s absorption into a globe-girdling federation of Socialist states, under a centrally controlled police force and planned economic system.(63)

Such absorption represents the Fabian Socialist plan for peaceful world revolution. It is demonstrated by the visible attempt, on one hand, to encircle the United States with a swiftly growing block of Socialist-ruled nations; and on the other, by an attempt to procure a permanent economic and political accommodation between the United States and Soviet Russia. This far-flung plan presupposes eventual world rule by an intellectual Socialist elite backed by the mass electoral power of a worldwide Socialist Labor Confederation, whose docility will be guaranteed through the device of full, state-assured employment. For more than a decade, Dr. Walt Whitman Rostow appears to have been its veiled prophet in the United States.

Couched, like the theory of Keynes, in bland, semi-technical language designed to mystify the uninitiate, the overall plan is revealed by signs to an illumined few. With some effort, however, its outlines can be discerned by any normally intelligent layman who takes the trouble to read the voluminous and cloudy writings of Walt Whitman Rostow—just as the military intentions of Adolf Hitler might have been evident from 1922 to anyone perusing the equally cryptic works of Major General Ernst Haushofer.(64) Neither Rostow nor Haushofer will ever be read for their pleasure-giving quality. Both convey the impression of talking over the reader’s head to a special audience. Since it takes talent of a rare order, however, to remain totally unintelligible for hundreds of pages, there is always, somewhere, a moment of truth.

In Rostow’s book An American Policy in Asia, for example, after a long, tortuous and frequently obscure argument, it finally becomes clear that Rostow advises granting Red China a seat in the United Nations, as well as diplomatic recognition by the United States. During the same year when this work appeared, The New York Times of October 2, l955 reported:

“A social scientist at Massachusetts Institute of Technology has undertaken to develop a new portrait of the United States in a world setting. Under the three year grant from the Carnegie Foundation of New York, Dr. Walt W. Rostow, a Professor of Economic History, is directing the study …. Dr. Rostow’s project will examine our role in what he calls the ‘foreign policy revolution.’”

Similar collective labor brought forth still another book over the signature of Walt Whitman Rostow, The United States in the World Arena. After attributing the remarkable development of the United States during 150 years to back the more recent strides of the USSR to phenomenal ability, he wrote: “Now brutally and directly and in every dimension, the nation is caught up in a world where its military power, diplomatic influence and ideological conformation are explicitly, relentlessly under challenge from the Soviet Union.” (65) The answer? America must “change its national style,” while retaining its “operational vigor”–and even then success cannot be assured! “Will the United States,” asks Rostow, “mobilize the strength, will and imagination to bring about the process of persuasion in the Communist bloc which, by denying all other alternatives, would permit without major war the gradual evolution and release of the forces for good in it?” (66)

The real break in the clouds, however, “so central to the author’s judgments that it appears worthwhile to state it explicitly,”(67) was reserved for the Appendix:

“. . . the urgent imperative to tame military force and the need to deal with peoples everywhere on the basis of an accelerating proximity argue strongly for movement in the direction of federalized world organization under effective international law. And, should effective international control of military power be achieved, it might prove convenient and rational to pass other functions upward from unilateral determination to an organized arena of international politics.”(68)

Or, put in another way, says Rostow:

“It is a legitimate American national objective to see removed from the United States the right to use substantial military force to pursue their own interests. Since this residual right is the root of national sovereignty and the basis for the existence of an international arena of power, it is therefore an American interest to see an end to nationhood as it has been historically defined.”(69)

An end to nationhood will be achieved, said Rostow, when “the great conference has ended and the freely moving inspectors take up their initial posts from one end of the world to the other and the nightmare passes.” (70) In a contrary vein, it may be pertinent to recall the laconic words of an old-style American who did not live to see the “No Win” policies in Korea, Vietnam and Cuba. “The United States,” remarked Will Rogers, “never lost a war or won a conference!”

The “judgments” of Walt Whitman Rostow are not personal to him, nor confined to the close-knit group of high-salaried professors in government who enjoyed the benefits of an Oxford education in the same era as he. As previously noted, an official declaration approved by the Congress of the Socialist International at Oslo in 1962 stated plainly, “The ultimate objective of the parties of the Socialist International is nothing less than world government …. Membership of the United Nations must be made universal, so that all nations, including China, may be represented by their governments in power.” (71)

The United States in the World Arena was published in 1960, and its contents (or at least, its conclusions) should have been a matter of public knowledge. Yet Walt Whitman Rostow was appointed only a few months later to an advisory post in the White House itself, and thereafter to a strategic position in the Department of State. With the great wealth of able, well-educated, and patriotic citizens available and willing to serve their country in an official capacity, how does it happen that out of 170 million Americans a man was chosen who pursues objectives common to those of the Socialist International? One thing is certain: it did not happen by accident. A domestic political group able to deliver a substantial bloc of votes and a domestic lobby of substantial weight in Washington were required to assure the predominance of such officials in the Kennedy-Johnson and Johnson-Humphrey Administrations. Both requirements were met by Americans for Democratic Action, political arm of the Fabian Socialist movement in the United States.


1. William E. Bohn, veteran American Socialist who was there, estimated the crowd at “a couple of hundred.” New Leader (April 15, 1957), p. 9.

Clifton Brock, a sympathetic historian, states it numbered “more than 400.” Clifton Brock, Americans For Democratic Action: Its Role in National Affairs. Introduction by Max Lerner (Washington, Public Affairs Press, 1962), p. 51.

Appearing before a House Committee in 1950, former Attorney General Francis Biddle, then national chairman of ADA, agreed to submit a founders’ list of 350 names, as of January 7-9, 1947. This list, when submitted and published in the record of the Hearings, contained exactly 152 names. Lobbying, Direct and Indirect. Part 6 of Hearings before the House Select Committee on Lobby Activities, House of Representatives, 81st Congress, Second Session (Washington, U. S. Government Printing Office, House Document 66193, 1950), “Americans for Democratic Action,” July 11, 12, 1950, pp. 19-23.

2. Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments, pp. 26-29. (See Bibliography.) Testimony of J. Anthony Panuch, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, concerning the absorption in large numbers of “un-screened personnel” by the Department of State at the close of World War II. “I would say,” stated Mr. Panuch (p. 29), “that the biggest single thing that contributed to the infiltration of the State Department was the merger of 1945. The effects of that are still being felt, in my judgment.

3. Harry W. Laidler, Socialism in the United States (New York, League for Industrial Democracy, 1952), p. 16. “Then came the New Deal legislation,” wrote Dr. Laidler. “Roosevelt and his followers adopted immediate demand after immediate demand from the platform of the Socialist Party . . . in the light of these developments many labor progressives and radicals swung their support from the Socialist Party to the New Deal. The socialist movement found itself in the curious position of having collectively and through individual Socialists, greater influence in molding legislation than ever before, while finding it increasingly difficult to obtain a large membership and following as a party.”

4. Brock, op. cit., p. 72.

5. Among six persons arrested, only three were indicted. Of those three, one pleaded guilty and was fined $2,500; another entered a plea of nolo contendere and was fined $500; Justice Department attorneys dropped an airtight case against the third. Overwhelming evidence obtained by the FBI was suppressed. As recently as 1962–according to the Department of State’s Biographic Register for 1961-62–one of the six, John Stewart Service, was serving as U. S. Consul in Liverpool, England. He has since been honorably retired on Government pension. . . . Hearings held by a House Committee in 1946, confirming the guilt of all six persons arrested, were withheld from publication for four years. They were finally printed in the Congressional Record, Vol. 96, Part 6, 81st Congress, Second Session (May 22, 1950), pp. 7428 ff.

6. David C. Williams, “Labour Britain and American Progressives,” Fabian Journal (March, 1947), p. 9.

7. Williams, op. cit., p. 10.

8. More recently Under Secretary of State and Ambassador to India in the Kennedy-Johnson Administration.

9. Brock, op. cit., p. 51.

10. The New York Times (January 5, 1947).

11. The date for Hitler’s invasion of Russia was originally set for May 15, 1941. It was postponed six weeks, until June 22, apparently as a result of General William Donovan’s trip to Yugoslavia undertaken at the request of Britain’s Secret Service chief in the United States, William Stephenson. These facts were known at the time to top U. S. as well as Russian officials.

H. Montgomery Hyde, Room 303 (New York, Dell Publishing Co., 1964), (43print), p. 62. An authorized account of British Secret Service in the United States during World War II. Previously published in 1962 by Farrar, Straus and Co., and published in England under the title, The Quiet Canadian.

12. Officers of the committee issuing the “call” to UDA were listed in The New York Times (April 29, 1941). Chairman: Reinhold Niebuhr. Vice chairman: John L. Childs, Professor of Education, Teachers’ College, Columbia University; Franz Daniel, General Manager of the Laundry Workers’ Joint Board, Amalgamated Clothing Workers, CIO; Robert Bendiner, editor of The Nation. Secretary: Murray Gross, Complaint Manager, Dressmakers Union, ILGWU. Treasurer: Freda Kirchwey, Managing Editor of The Nation. (See Appendix V for names of full committee.)

All but one of the above-named officers, and a majority of the committee members appear on the official list of League for Industrial Democracy “collaborators” and student chapter-heads, published by Mina Weisenberg. (See Appendix II.)

13. See Appendix V for official list of ADA founders.

14. Brock, op. cit., p. 216.

15. William Remington, wartime U. S. Department of Commerce official, was convicted of perjury for denying Communist Party connections and for denying he had given information to a Communist espionage agent. His counsel was Joseph Rauh, Jr.

Sidney Lens–sometime director of United Service Employees Union Local 329, AFL-CIO, whose name appears on the masthead of many latter-day Socialist publications–was questioned on February 15 1963 by the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security regarding alleged connections with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee; as well as with Communist-sponsored organizations cited at the time on the Attorney General’s list. To most of the questions, he pleaded lapse of memory. Asked if he had ever belonged to a Trotskyist organization, he took the Fifth Amendment. His attorney was Joseph Rauh, Jr.

16. James Loeb, Jr., publisher of a small newspaper in upstate New York, later served briefly as Ambassador to Peru in the Kennedy-Johnson Administration. He was recalled at the request of Peruvian authorities, for alleged interference in that country’s national elections, and has since been sent as Ambassador to Guinea.

17. Other socially conscious clerics who attended the Willard Hotel Conference and are inscribed as ADA founders were: Rt. Rev. William Scarlett, Episcopal Bishop of St. Louis; Dr. A. Powell Davies, pastor of All Souls Unitarian Church, Washington, D.C.; Rabbi Milton Steinberg of the Park Avenue Synagogue, New York City; Reverend (now Monsignor) George Higgins of the Social Action Committee of the National Catholic Welfare Conference; Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam, retiring president of the Federal Council of Churches. (See Appendix V.)

18. Reinhold Niebuhr: His Religious, Social and Political Thought. A Symposium. Edited by Charles W. Kegley and Robert W. Bretell (New York, The Macmillan Co., 1956), p. 135.

19. Ibid., p. 137.

20. As far back as 1926, Keynes had written: “The next move is with the head, and fists must wait.” John Maynard Keynes, Essays in Biography (New York, Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1933), p. 91.

21. See Appendix IV. As of 1964, Aubrey Williams was also national chairman of the Committee to Abolish the House Un-American Activities Committee.

22. In 1961 the three–the UAW, the UEW and ILGWU–were announced to be among the ten wealthiest labor unions in the United States, according to a list made available for the first time by the U. S. Department of Labor. Ranking second and third in annual income were the Electrical Workers and the Auto Workers, with annual incomes of $62,273,000 and $50,668,000, respectively. Fifth on the list was the ILGWU, with an annual income of $21,702,000. . .. United Steelworkers of America, which topped them all with an income in excess of $65,000,000 was also represented at the ADA founders’ conference; but withdrew its support a few years later because of alleged ADA radicalism.

23. Hearings of the Subcommittee on Internal Security of the United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary, pp. 44-45. Statement of Colonel Igor Bogo lepov.

24. Italics added, then removed.

25. Fabian Journal, monthly organ of the Fabian Society, duly noted the formation of ADA. A footnote in its March, 1947 issue (p. 10), referring to the Union for Democratic Action, stated: “Recently reorganized under the title ‘Americans for Democratic Action’ it includes as officers and members many persons prominent in the New Deal, and in trade union and progressive organizations.”

26. In the Fabian International Review, to which David C. Williams contributed an article on the 1956 national elections in the United States, the following item appeared in a column headed “Our Contributors”: “David C. Williams is Director of Research and Education, Americans for Democratic Action.” Fabian International Review, No. 12 (September, 1956), p. 15.

In an editorial box on page 3, the same issue of the same publication stated: “Fabian International Review was launched in January 1953 to provide a serious socialist commentary of world events. Since then it has appeared every four months. It is with regret, therefore, that we announce this as our last issue.

“We have tried to maintain a good all-round quality and to contribute usefully to discussion among socialists. . . .

“The Fabian International Bureau will continue, of course, to publish pamphlets.”

27. See Appendix II.

28. Margaret Cole, The Story of Fabian Socialism (London, Heinemann Educational Books, Ltd., 1961), pop. 208-209.

29. By 1924 all University Fabian Societies had become Labour Clubs, according to the Fabian Society Annual Report, 1924-25, p. 8.

30. Howard K. Smith, Last Train from Berlin (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1942), pp. 34-38. Though he could hardly have been unaware of the fact, Smith failed to mention that the teachers and speakers whom he named were all well-known Fabian Socialists.

31. Ibid., pp. 34-38.

32. Ibid., p. 38. ADA World for February, 1964, reporting Howard K. Smith’s participation at a local ADA function, boasted he would be in charge of news coverage and analysis at the national party conventions for a nationwide TV network in 1964.

33. Edward R. Pease, The History of the Fabian Society (London, A. C. Fifield, 1916), p. 103. “In 1895,” wrote Pease, “a University Fabian Society was formed at Oxford by and for undergraduates, but maintaining continuity by the assistance of older members in permanent residence, such as Sidney Ball at St. John’s. In 1900 there were four Fabian Societies at Oxford, Glasgow, Aberystwyth and Cambridge, and their members were always elected at once into the parent society in order that the connection may not be broken when they leave the University.”

34. Cole, op. cit., p. 86.

35. Socialist International Information (December 7, 1963), Vol. XIII, No. 49.

36. Ibid., p. 715.

37. Socialist International Information (August 3, 1963), Vol. XIII, No. 31-32.

38. Originals of seven wills written by Lord Rhodes between 1877 and 1899 may be found at Rhodes House at Oxford. The first five dealt with a worldwide secret society to promote the British Empire. The sixth, dated 1895, provided scholarships for “yong collegians.” The final will, drawn in 1899 and made public in 1902 after Rhodes’ death, offered scholarships to American collegians.

Rhodes trustees simultaneously took steps to form the secret society proposed by the old empire-builder. On July 24, 1902 the Pilgrims Society of Great Britain was founded, and six months later on January 13, 1903 the Pilgrims Society of the United States was organized. Thomas W. Lamont, Sr. was at one time chairman of the executive committee of the American Pilgrims.

39. Alger Hiss, long a trusted and high-ranking State Department official, was identified as having been a secret member of a Communist cell and as having given confidential Government documents to agents of Soviet Intelligence. He was convicted of perjury and sentenced to prison.

40. In a letter of June 7, 1950, Stanley Hornbeck wrote to Dean Rusk: “It was the year 1945–and not before then–that the Government of the Untied States, first having taken action inconsistent with tradition and commitment in regard to China, embarked upon what became a course of intervention in regard to the civil conflict between the National Government and the Communists, in China . . . then and thereafter . . . the Government of the Untied States brought to bear pressures, pressures upon the National Government which were not against the Communists but were on their behalf.” The Institute of Pacific Relations. Hearings before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and other Internal Security Laws, of the Committee of the Judiciary, 82nd and 83rd Congress (Washington, U. S. Government Printing Office, 19521-52), p. 5363.

41. A few of the former Rhodes Scholars appointed to high office during the Kennedy-Johnson Administration are:

Dean Rusk (Oxford, 1934), Secretary of State; sometime professor of Government at Mills College, and former president of the Rockefeller Foundation.

Byron E. White (Oxford, 1938-39), Assistant Supreme Court Justice, formerly Deputy Attorney General.

George C. McGhee (Oxford, 1937; University of London, 1937), Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs; once coordinator of the 400 million dollar aid program to Greece and Turkey.

Robert V. Roosa (Oxford, 1938-39), Under Secretary of the Treasury for Monetary Affairs; a Keynesian economist who has taught at Harvard and Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

Harlan Cleveland (Oxford, 1938), Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs, former chief of UNRRA’s mission to China; former director of ECA’s China program; former publisher of The Reporter, a “progressive” monthly.

Charles J. Hitch (Oxford, 1934), Assistant Secretary of Defense and Comptroller; wrote The Economics of Defense in the Nuclear Age, known as “the Bible” of Pentagon civilians.

Kermit Gordon (Oxford, 1938-39), director of the Bureau of the Budget, previously on the President’s Council of Economic Advisers; Harvard professor of the Keynesian School; former director of the economic and administrative program of the Ford Foundation.

Walt Whitman Rostow (Oxford, 1936-38), counselor of the State Department and chairman of the Policy Planning Council; former deputy to the President’s Special Assistant on National Security; former staff member, Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

42. Hearings, Joint Economic Committee, 88th Congress First Session (Washington, U. S. Government Printing Office, January 29, 1963).

43. Harlan Cleveland, Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs, formerly published The Reporter, a progressive monthly that normally followed the ADA line and to which ADA members often contributed. Editor of The Reporter, Max Ascoli, and his wife, the former Marion Rosenwald Stern, appeared for years on official ADA lists, as substantial and regular fund donors.

44. For example, see, the list of persons whose “generous assistance” is acknowledged by Walt Whitman Rostow in the Preface to his book, The United States in the World Arena (New York, Harper & Brothers, 1960), p. xiii.

45. Under Secretary of the Treasury for Monetary Affairs, Robert V. Roosa was appointed to a post comparable to that held by the late Harry Dexter White.

46. In this connection a letter of February 13, 1934 from Edward C. Carter, director of the Institute, to Selsker H. Gunn of the Rockefeller Foundation may be of incidental interest: “. . . I don’t think I told you that, when we saw Karakhan (then Assistant Commissar for Foreign Affairs) in Moscow in 1931, he told us that the Institute’s researches in China and Japan would be equally valuable whether the Far East remained capitalist or became communist.” Institute of Pacific Relations. Hearings, p. 5120.

47. Ibid., p. 2870. A letter confirming this statement was introduced into the record, but not printed.

48. Ibid., pp. 5023; 5026. A letter of September 16, 1950 (p. 5026) from William L. Holland, secretary-treasurer of the Institute to Dean Rusk stated: “May I make an urgent and probably irregular appeal to you to lend your weightiest support to the double IPR financial appeal which is to be considered by the Rockefeller Foundation on September 22. . . . Your words of support for us to the Ford Foundation were very influential, even though action on that grant has been postponed pending the forthcoming appointment of a director for the foundation.”

49. On November 6, 1950, Red Chinese troops and supplies were streaming into Korea, and Russian-built planes based in Manchuria were harassing American troops. MacArthur had ordered U. S. bombers to strike at the Yalu River bridges. A few hours before the American bombers were due to take off from their Japanese bases, an emergency meeting was called at the White House, attended by President Truman, Secretary of State Acheson, Secretary of Defense Lovett and Assistant Secretary of State Rusk. Regarding that meeting, President Truman wrote: “Assistant Secretary of State Dean Rusk pointed out that we had a commitment with the British not to take action which might involve attacks on the Manchurian side of the river without consultation with them. He also told Mr. Lovett that the State Department had presented MacArthur’s report on Chinese Communist intervention to the United Nations and that an urgent meeting of the Security Council had been requested. At this meeting we would try to get a resolution adopted calling on the Chinese Communists to cease their activities in Korea. . . . Mr. Rusk also mentioned the danger of involving the Soviets especially in the light of the mutual assistance treaty between Moscow and Peiping. . . . Then Lovett called the Air Force Secretary, Mr. Finletter (a staunch ADA man–ed.) and instructed him to tell the Joint Chiefs what Mr. Rusk had set forth and to tell them that he [Lovett] and Acheson both felt that this action should be postponed until they were able to get a decision from me.”

Next day some strictly limited action along the Yalu River was authorized; but the principle of the privileged sanctuary had been established. Harry S. Truman, Memoirs (Garden City, Doubleday & Co., 1956), Vol. II, p. 374.

50. Copyrighted by Hearst Headline Service, for release April 8, 1964.

51. From a speech delivered in Palm Springs, California by General Tomas S. Power, then commanding the Strategic Air Force. The Daily-Enterprise (Riverside, Calif., April 18, 1964).

52. A letter of 1952 from Michael Lindsay to the New Statesman and Nation stated: “Mr. Rusk’s recent assertions that the Chinese Government was a Russian colonial regime and that the Kuomintang really represented the Chinese people have been widely criticized.” Institute of Pacific Relations, Hearings (See Bibliography), p. 5391.

53. “Secretary’s Report (September, 1961-July, 1963) to the Eighth Congress of the Socialist International, meeting in Amsterdam, 9-12 September, 1963,” Socialist International Information (August 24, 1963), Vol. XIII, No. 34-35.

54. M. F. Millikan and W. W. Rostow, A Proposal: Key to An Effective Foreign Policy (New York, Harper & Brothers, 1957).

55. W. W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth (New York, Harper & Brothers, 1960).

56. See article by Thomas Ross, Chicago Sun Times (March 30, 1961).

57. “Within the Soviet block,” wrote Secretary Rusk hopefully, “the Stalinist terror has been radically changed. And within the Soviet Union, as well as most of the smaller European nations, there are signs–small but varied and persistent signs–of yearnings for more individual freedom. And there are practical reasons why men must be allowed freedom if they are to achieve their best.” Department of State Bulletin (March 16 1964), p. 393.

Cf. Richard Loewenthal, “Freedom and Communism,” Socialist International Information (August 1, 1964), Vol. XIV, No. 16-17. This article by Loewenthal of the London Fabian Society and the German Social Democratic Party originally appeared as a supplement to Berliner Stimme early in 1964 and reflects the official foreign policy line of the Socialist International. Views expressed by Rusk and Rostow are similar.

58. Cole, op. cit., pp. 208-209.

59. The budget of Sweden’s Socialist Government for 1964-65 included a 768 million dollar military appropriation, although little Sweden is traditionally a neutral nation. Informed observers have suggested Sweden’s military forces anticipate assuming a key role in the world-police functions of the United Nations.

60. Gunnar Myrdal (with the assistance of Richard Sterner and Arnold Rose), An American Dilemma (New York, Harper & Brothers, 1944), (1483 pages), p. 601. (On July 6, 1966 Dr. Martin Luther King of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference received from the Swedish Consul General in New York a check for $100,000 which had been collected in Sweden for the benefit of his organization. Los Angeles Times, July 7, 1966).

61. Ibid., pp. 12-13.

62. As originally presented in 1904, Mackinder’s theory seemed designed as a warning to the British Secret Service to block Czarist Russia’s expansion in Asia. In modern times the same theory has been gratefully adopted by Soviet Russia to justify its own plan for world conquest. Rostow’s geopolitical approach can therefore be interpreted as an indirect concession to Soviet Russia.

It is interesting to note that an article on geopolitics by the U. S. Department of State’s official geographer contains the following pronouncement: “Whether we view Mackinder’s theory as fact or fancy, the whole American concept of containment is bound up with his Heartland theory presented before the Royal Geographical Society 60 years ago.” G. Etzel Pearly, “Geopolitics and Foreign Relations,” Department of State Bulletin (March 2, 1964), p. 321.

63. W. W. Rostow, The United States in the World Arena (New York, Harper and Row, 1960), pp. 543-544.

64. In 1940-41 the author of Fabian Freeway had the painful experience of reading the collected works of General Haushofer at the Library of Congress in Washington, D. C.

65. Rostow, op. cit., p. 537.

66. Ibid., p. 535.

67. Ibid., p. 543.

68. Ibid., p. 549.

69. Ibid., p. 549.

70. Ibid., p. 540-550.

71. The World Today: The Socialist Perspective. A Socialist International Publication. (London, no date), p. 11.

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